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all opposition; but, in the Lords, it was opposed by the chancellor, Thurlow, as impolitic and partial. It was impolitic, he said, as far as it rendered nugatory the settled maxim of the British constitution,-that treason was a crime of so deep a dye, that nothing was adequate to its punishment, but the total eradication of the person, the name, and the family, out of the society which he had attempted to hurt. This, was the wisdom, he said, of former times; but if a more enlightened age chose to relax from the established severity, he thought it ought to be done with gravity and reflection. That every legislative measure should be discussed with gravity, and not adopted without reflection, is a position that cannot be denied. But his lordship's argument, though good in itself, was bad in its application; and to assert that the granting the indulgence in question, would be to render nugatory the settled maxim of the British constitution, respecting the heinousness of the crime of treason, was the same thing as to maintain, that the adoption of an exception to a rule, was tantamount to the destruction of the rule itself. The case in point differed essentially from all other cases of treason; and those who made laws against treason, could never have had such a case in contemplation. There is a sub VOL. I.

stantial, and a radical difference between the man who is a traitor from persevering loyalty to the Prince to whom he has sworn allegiance, and the wretch who seeks to depose his lawful sovereign, in order to destroy the constitution, of which he is the guardian and the head, or to place a foreign usurper on his throne. But lord Thurlow affected singularity in his opinions and actions; and to that affectation, rather than to the conviction of his mind, is his opposition, in the present instance, most probably, to be ascribed. His argument, however, on the ground of partiality, had more weight and solidity in it. He observed, that the estates forfeited in 1715, and which were forfeited upon the same grounds and principles as those in 1745, were passed over in silence, whilst even a person attainted in 1690 was included in the provision. But his opposition did not avail, for the bill passed the lords, and received the royal assent.

On the twentieth of August, the King put an end to the session, by a speech from the throne, in which his Majesty expressed his approbation of the past proceedings of his Parliament, lamented the necessity which had existed, for the imposition of additional burthens on his people, and recommended to the attention of both Houses, many important

objects of trade and commerce, which would be submitted to them after the recess; when, he trusted, such regulations would be framed, after a full investigation, as would be found best calculated to promote the wealth and prosperity of all parts of the empire.

CHAP. V.

Attention of the British government directed to continental affairs-State of the continent-Projects of Reform entertained by Joseph, emperor of Germany-Reflections on those projects-His infraction of the Barrier TreatyImpolicy of that measure-The Pope arrives at ViennaHis vain attempts to dissuade the Emperor from the execution of his plans for the plunder of the church-Mirabeau's sentiments on these plans-Domestic dissentions in Holland-Fury of the republican faction-Resignation of the duke of Brunswick-Jealousy of Prussia-Insidious conduct of France-Claims of the emperor upon HollandNegotiations at Brussels-Acts of hostility committed on the Dutch by the Imperial troops-Attempt to force the passage of the Scheldt, resisted by the Dutch-Emperor supported by the empress of Russia-The Empress's letter to the king of Prussia-Cautious conduct of the British ministry-Parliament meets-The King's speech-Decision on the Westminster scrutiny-Difference between the Court of Directors of the East-India Company, and the Board of Controul-Discussions in Parliament relative thereto Mr. Pitt's motion for a Parliamentary Reform

Developement of his plan-Reflections on the same-The Danger of a recurrence to first principles-Considerations on the qualifications of Voters and of Representa tives to a part of the plan-Mr. Fox's objections examined-Mr. Pitt's character as a Reformer, delineated

Comparative abilities of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox-Motion rejected-Dr. Paley's notions of Parliamentary Reform examined, and some of them censured-Mr. Fox's motion for a committee to investigate the financial statements of Mr. Pitt-negatived-Mr. Francis's motion for a committee for examining the affairs of the East-India Companysupported by Mr. Fox-Mr. Pitt's answer to Mr. Fox, and statement of curious facts, relative to Mr. Fox's India bill-motion rejected-Financial state of the country-The Budget-Commissioners appointed for examining the Fees, &c. taken in public offices.

[1784.] During the parliamentary recess, the attention of the British government, which had so long been limited to the concerns of their own territory, was directed to the critical state of the continent, where a rupture between the principal powers seemed to be fast approaching. The Imperial Throne of Germany was, at this time, filled by Joseph the second, a well-intentioned, but feeble monarch, earnestly intent on religious, political, and military reforms, without abilities to devise the proper means for carrying them into execution, and without judgment to perceive either the obstacles which he would have to encounter, or the remote consequences to

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