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CAVITE. A province of Luzon, Philippines, situated south of the Province of Manila, and bounded by Manila Bay on the west. It covers an area of 488 square miles. It has wooded mountains and well-watered valleys, and is of commercial importance, on account of its advan tageous situation. Agriculture receives considerable attention. Its population is estimated as about 134,000.

CAVO, kävô, ANDRÉS (1739-c.1800). A Mexican Jesuit historian, born in Guadalajara. He entered the Jesuit Order in 1759, and was sent as a missionary to the Northwest. In 1767 he was compelled to leave Mexico by the decree expelling the Jesuits. He prepared in Rome a work on Mexican history, which disappeared, but was recovered by C. M. Bustamante and published as Los tres siglos de Méjico durante el gobierno español (1836). H. H. Bancroft, in his History of Mexico, gives an unfavorable estimate of the narrative.

CAVO-RILIEVO, kä'vô rê-lyã vô (It. cavo, hollow rilievo, relief). A kind of depressed bas-relief, where the carving is sunk below the level of the surface of the background. It was used extensively by the Egyptian wall-decorators, It makes possible the execution of sculptured wall-panels after erection of a building in stone or marble, without the trouble of leaving bossed spaces in course of construction.

CAVOUR, kå-voor', CAMILLO BENSO DI, Count (1810-61). The great constructive statesman of modern Italy. He was born in Turin, August 10, 1810, the son of the Marquis Michele Benso di Cavour and Adèle, second daughter of the Count de Sellon of Geneva. As a younger son, Camillo was educated for the army in the military academy in Turin, serving at the same time as a page in the royal household of King Charles Albert. After graduating at the head of his class in 1826, he entered the army as a lieutenant of engineers. Even at this early period he showed the earnestness, concentration, and ability which made the brilliant statesman of later years. He was proficient in the study of mathematics, the languages, and history. His mind was extremely practical, and he never cared for art or romance. He had no taste for military life, and devoted himself while in garrison in the fortress of Bard to the study of economics and English politics. In 1831 he resigned his commission and undertook the management of his father's estate at Leri, in Piedmont. Without any previous knowledge of farming, Cavour soon mastered agriculture in all its details, restored the estate, which had been much neglected, and became a leader in the introduction of progressive methods of agriculture into Piedmont. He ever afterwards loved the work, and found at Leri throughout his life rest from the cares of State. In this occupation and in travel Cavour spent fifteen busy and profitable years. The democratic monarchy of England was always his ideal, and he was a great admirer of Anglo-Saxon liberty. In England he made a thorough study of the political, social, and industrial institutions. In 1847, when the censorship of the press had been abolished in Piedmont, Cavour, realizing the power that this agency might have in the great struggle for which Italy was preparing, established in Turin, with Cesare Balbo and others, a journal, Il Risorgimento, which declared for inde

pendence, unity, and reform. A moderate Conservative in his views, a stanch supporter of the monarchy, but a constitutionalist, he satisfied the extremists of neither party, and was far from being a popular leader; but his ability, independence, and courage commanded respect. His greatness was in nothing more marked than in the impersonality of his work. In 1848, when Genoa was about to send a deputation to Turin to ask for a civic guard and the expulsion of the Jesuits, Cavour, at a meeting of journalists held to decide on a course of action, declared that the demands of the Genoese were too moderate, and that a constitution was the only remedy for existing evils. This was, for the times, a revolutionary declaration, and especially startling as coming from a Conservative. Cavour had, indeed, been regarded as almost a reactionary, so little was his moderation understood in the passionate politics of the time. Events justified Cavour; in February Charles Albert (q.v.) set his signature to the famous Statuto, the Constitution of Piedmont around which, under Cavour's leadership, all the advocates of Italian liberty and unity gradually rallied. He entered Parliament in 1848, a pronounced advocate of a free and united Italy. This platform was sufficient for him during his and he decided at the outset that they could be whole career. He never separated the two ideals, attained only under the royal House of Savoy. He never sympathized with Mazzini and the Republicans, whose theories he believed ill adapted to Italian conditions. On March 7, 1850, Cavour, speaking on the proposition to abolish the special jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts, declared that by persevering in her reform policy Piedmont would be "gathering to herself all the living forces in Italy, and would be in a position to lead the mother country to those high destinies whereunto she is called." This expression of an aggressive national Italian policy brought Cavour into still greater prominence, and upon the death of the Count of Santa Rosa he was called into the Cabinet, then headed by Massimo d'Azeglio (q.v.), at first as Minister of Agriculture, then as Minister of Commerce and of the Marine. He now gave up his journalistic connections, and entered upon his great career as a State-builder. He also disposed of all his holdings in agricultural and industrial companies. In April, 1851, he was made Minister of Finance, and in the same year, hav ing already become the dominating force in the Ministry, he made the famous alliance with Urbano Rattazzi (q.v.), leader of the Left Centre, by which the two parties of the Centre united in support of the Ministry, in opposition to the Extreme Right and the Extreme Left. was through this union of moderate parties that Cavour proposed to foster the new Italy. He was never a party man, and looked only to the good of the State. The compact with Řattazzi, known as the connubio, was discountenanced by d'Azeglio, and led to a rupture in the Cabinet (April 15, 1852). Cavour retired temporarily from office, and went to France and England, to find out how the connubio was regarded among those whose aid he hoped to obtain in realizing Italian aspirations. He was reassured by his reception in both countries; but he made up his mind that, of the two, it was France

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that must be looked to for active support in establishing the new Italy as against Austria. He therefore devoted his energy to winning the man who was then directing the destinies of France the new Emperor Napoleon. A ministerial crisis occurred on his return to Piedmont, and Cavour became the head of the Government, holding the posts of Minister of Finance and president of the Council. He gave his immediate attention to the material development of the kingdom, the rehabilitation of its finances, and to various reforms, such as the legalization of civil marriage, the suppression of the mendicant orders, and the encouragement of secular education. In 1854 he saw, in an alliance with France and England against Russia, an opportunity to bring Sardinia into the councils of Europe. He brought about the alliance, in spite of the opposition of every one in the country excepting the King and the ministers. Ten thousand troops of the reorganized Sardinian Army were dispatched to the Crimea. It was a dangerous game, and might have failed but for the fatuous policy of Austria, upon which Cavour had counted. The Sardinian contingent won the respect of their allies, Austria's weak course destroyed her primacy in Continental affairs, and at the Congress of Paris (see PARIS, CONGRESS OF), in 1856, Cavour accomplished his great object in compelling the representatives of the Powers to admit Sardinia to their councils and to take up the condition of Italy for international consideration. At the congress Cavour stood for the aspirations of Italy, and while he gained nothing directly for Sardinia, he secured recognition as an Italian leader, which he desired more. It was Italy, rather than Sardinia or Piedmont, of which he always spoke and thought. While these events were passing he was also engaged in a struggle with the Church over the disestablishment of the religious orders.

on Italy by refusing to accede to the English proposal, and demanding the unconditional disarmament of Sardinia. Austria's offensive ultimatum to Sardinia left no alternative for Napoleon but to support his ally. In the campaign of 1859 (see ITALY) the War Minister, La Marmora (q.v.), took command of the Sardinian forces, and Cavour assumed the onerous duties of Minister of War. When Napoleon, who had declared that Italy should be free "from the Alps to the Adriatic," made with Austria the Peace of Villafranca, without consulting his ally, and thus abandoned the Italian cause at a time when the expulsion of Austria from the peninsula seemed certain, Cavour was frantic with rage and grief. He resigned his office and went into retirement at Leri, feeling that this betrayal of Italy had disgraced him; but in reality he had become the idol of an Italy which now learned to know the depth of his patriotism and the far-sightedness of his policy. The new Ministry under Rattazzi proved unequal to the situation; in England, the return of the Whigs to power under Lord Palmerston enlisted that country more actively in the Italian interest; and in January, 1860, Cavour returned to his post at the head of the Government. The cession of Savoy and Nice to France, in return for the union of northern Italy, had been agreed upon at Plombières, and Cavour now took his stand upon the execution of the pledge. It was one of the hardest tasks of his life, and the act for which he has been most criticised.

The next move in the campaign for the union of Italy came from southern Italy, in the form of an insurrection in Sicily against the Bourbon Government. This, and Garibaldi's violation of international comity in conducting an expedition in aid of the Sicilian revolutionists, were not planned or promoted by Cavour; but when they had become facts he characteristically winked at The Congress of Paris left the issue between their irregularity and prepared to check excesses Austria and Sardinia very sharply defined, and and to make the most of any opportunity they made war almost inevitable. Cavour's energies might offer. When Garibaldi crossed the Straits were devoted to preparing for the struggle. He of Messina and entered the Neapolitan mainland, increased taxation, but developed the resources Cavour sent a Sardinian army into Umbria and of the country to meet the new burdens. In the Marches, and another great step toward Ital1858 he severed political relations with Rat- ian unity was taken in the contest for southern tazzi, who supported the King in the affair of Italy and the Papal domains. Garibaldi's arbithe Countess Mirafiori. (See VICTOR EMMANUEL trary methods made him Cavour's antagonist at I.) After the unsuccessful attempt of the Ital- this time, though the two men always respected ian fanatic Orsini upon the life of Napoleon and appreciated each other. (See GARIBALDI.) On III., the secret meeting at Plombières was held October 11, 1860, true to his lifelong principles, between the French Emperor and Cavour (July, Cavour secured the passage of a bill by the Pied1858), at which the agreement was made which montese Parliament authorizing the Government was to bring France to the side of Italy in the to incorporate such provinces in central and contest with Austria. Cavour's masterful diplo- southern Italy as should express their desire macy is well illustrated in connection with the therefor by a plébiscite. At the beginning of Austrian War. To the Englishman, Mr. Odo Rus- 1861 all Italy, except Venetia and Rome, was sell, who did not believe Austria would be so un- united, and on February 18 the first Italian wise as to declare war, Cavour said, in the spring Parliament met in Turin. Cavour now sought of 1859, that he would force her to do so, and to complete the historic Italy by having Rome named the first week in May as the time. A made the capital, and in May a vote of Parliafew days before that time Austria had actually ment to that effect was passed; but Cavour did committed the desired indiscretion. The royal not live to see this consummation brought about, speech to Parliament, January 10, 1859, pre- nor to see the annexation of Venetia. He died in pared by the King, but revised by Cavour and Turin, June 6, 1861, worn out by the excessive Napoleon III., voiced the spirit of united Italy labors and cares of his public life. against the foreign oppressor. Napoleon hesitated on the verge of war, and sought to have a congress held, and England proposed that all the Italian States should be admitted; but Austria lost its chance of retaining its hold

Count Cavour never married. The one brief romance of his youth brought color and inspira tion into his life through a woman's devoted and unselfish love, but not even her name is known, and the attachment was far greater on her part

than on his. He was beloved by the peasants on his estates, and trusted by the common people generally. His King, whom he served so faithfully, never felt quite comfortable when his masterful subject was in power, but he had implicit confidence in him and believed in his success; and it was so with all his associates-his power lay in the assurance of success. He was admired by European statesmen. Napoleon said at Plombières: "There are only three men in Europewe two and then a third whom I will not name."

And the veteran Metternich is reported to have remarked: "There is only one diplomatist in Europe; but unfortunately he is against us-it is M. de Cavour." With all his determination, and his frequent disregard of the nature of the means used to attain his ends, Cavour held firmly to the principles of civil liberty and constitutional government. He was equally distrustful of the doctrinaire republicanism of Mazzini, whom he never liked, and of autocracy in any guise. It is a fine testimonial to his patriotism that he enjoyed the confidence of the exiled Venetian patriot and devoted republican, Manin, in spite of his distrust of Manin's political doctrines. From their first meeting in Paris Manin saw in Cavour the regenerator of Italy. Cavour's writings and speeches on political subjects have been published as Opere politico-economiche del conte Camillo di Cavour (Coneo, 1855), and Discorsi parlementari del conte Camillo di Cavour,

published by order of the Chamber of Deputies (Turin, 1863-80).

Consult: Mazade, Le comte de Cavour (Paris, 1877); Massari, Il conte di Cavour (Turin, 1873); Countess Cesaresco, Cavour (New York, 1898); Tivaroni, Storia critica del risorgimento d'Italia (Turin, 1888-97); Artom and Blanc, Il conte di Cavour in parlamento (Florence, 1868); also the memoirs and correspondence of Kossuth, D'Azeglio, Ricasoli, La Farina, and others. A very full bibliography will be found in the little essay by the Countess Cesaresco, and in Stillman, The Union of Italy (Cambridge, 1898).

CAVY, kā'vi (Neo-Lat., Port. cavia, from native Indian word). A small South American rodent of the family Caviidæ, allied to the capybara and the agoutis, exclusively neotropical, and represented familiarly by the guineapig. The cavies are restless, semi-nocturnal, herbage-eating creatures, dwelling in burrows or crevices, increasing rapidly, and furnishing food for both man and beast throughout the plains and unforested highlands of that continent. The largest species (Cavia patchonica), sometimes called agouti, formerly spread throughout the plains of all Argentina, but now nearly extinct, resembles a hare standing upon terrier-like legs; it is a foot in height, and rusty-red in general color. It digs deep burrows of its own, and also occupies those of the vizcacha. The restless cavy (Cavia forcellus), or 'aperea,' and Cutler's cavy (Cavia Cutleri) are common in burrowing colonies in the La Plata Valley, and seem to be the ancestors of the guinea-pig, though uniformly colored, the former grayish-brown, the latter nearly black. Other species inhabit rocky places to a considerable altitude in Brazil and Bolivia. Consult Hudson, Naturalist in La Plata (London, 1892). See GUINEA-PIG; and Plate of CAVIES, ETC.

CAWDOR, ką'der. A parish in County Nairn, Scotland (population in 1901, 925), ten miles east by north of Inverness, noted as the site of Cawdor Castle, in which Shakespeare places the murder of Duncan by Macbeth. During the Rebellion of 1745 Lord Lovat was, according to tradition, for a time concealed in this castle. It is in an excellent state of preservation, and presents a fine specimen of a true baronial stronghold of feudal times.

CAWDOR, THANE OF. A character in Shakespeare's Macbeth, who does not appear on the stage, but whose title is coveted by Macbeth and treason. The description of the character, espesecured by his causing him to be executed for cially as to his bearing at the hour of death, has led Shakespearean editors to find here a reference on the part of the author to the unfortunate Earl of Essex.

CAWEIN, MADISON JULIUS (1865-). An American poet, born and educated in Louisville, Ky. He is the author of Blooms of the Berry (1887); The Triumph of Music (1888); Accolon of Gaul (1889); Lyrics and Idyls (1890); Days and Dreams (1891); Moods and Memories (1892); Poems of Nature and Love (1893); Red Leaves and Roses (1893); Intimations of the Beautiful (1894); Undertones (1896); The Garden of Dreams (1896); Shapes and Shadows (1898); Idyllic Monologues (1898); Myth and Romance (1898); One Day and Another (1901).

His verses are commendable for stylistic color.

CAWNPORE, kan-pōr', or CAWNPUR, kan-poor' (Hind. Kanhpur, city of Krishna, from kanh, Skt. krsna, krishna, black + pur, Skt. pura, city). A city, capital of a district of the same name in the Allahabad division of the NorthWest Provinces, British India, on the right bank of the Ganges, at the junction of the Jumna, 140 miles above Allahabad (Map: India, D 3). The stream in front, varying according to the season from 500 yards to more than a mile in width, presents a large and motley assemblage of steam vessels and native craft. Cawnpore's modern importance is due to its commercial facilities, and partly to military and political considerations. Since 1888 it has been brought into direct communication with Bombay, through the opening of the railway to Jhansi, and, at the junction of four lines, it is one of the chief railway stations in India. It has an extensive trade in grain and agricultural produce, and important manufactures of The town contains mission churches, schools, home commodities, such as cotton, leather, etc. zenanas, a club, and good hotels. It owns municipal water-works. It has belonged to the Engsociated with the events of the Sepoy Mutiny, lish since 1801. The name of Cawnpore is asenacted here in July, 1857, the massacre of the one of the most terrible episodes of which was European women and children by Nana Sahib. A prominent feature of Cawnpore is the memorial garden, covering the scene of the massacre. Marochetti's angel in white marble, under the Gothic monument over the well in which the dead and dying were cast, is a superb piece of sculpture. Though Cawnpore is only 379 feet above the sea, yet during winter considerable quantities of ice are made for preservation, through the exposing of water by night in shallow vessels. Population, in 1891, 163,800: in 1901, 197,000. Area of district, 2366 square miles. Population, in 1891,

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