prifoner, as I was, their example betrayed me into fome irregularities of wine, of play, and of idle excursions: but I foon felt the impoffibility of affociating with them on equal terms; and after the departure of my first acquaintance, held a cold and civil correfpondence with their fuccellors." This feclufion from English fociety was attended with moft folid benefits. His original love of reading revived, which had been chilled at Oxford. Mr. Pavilliard gradually informed his mind with folid literature, and his heart with the genuine principles of religion. The various articles of the Roman Creed difappeared like a dream, and after a full conviction, on Christmas-day 1754, he received the facrament in the church of Laufanne.

As this part of Mr. Gibbon's narra. tive is written with peculiar energy and elaboration, and as he indulges in great afperity of cenfure, which we have not room to infert, against the difcipline and management of the English Univerfities, our readers will excufe us if we detain them for one moment to examine the true ground of complaint in the prefent inftance. We wish not to be confidered as advocates for these great feminaries of inftruction, in which indeed there is fomething till to do, and fomething to reform but we would afk any impartial obferver of life and manners, whether the fame effects would not neceffarily arife from the fame circumstances in every place of public education that ever exifted. A young man comes to the University in the heat of youth and the imbecility of inexperience, accompanied by no other care of his relations, but that of fupplying him with the means of imprudent indulgence; he is admitted into a rank notoriously exempted from the rigour of academic difcipline; are we to wonder that, with a glowing imagination and a reflefs curiofity, he deviates into various exceffes, to which he is thus powerfully excited? Had his father fent him to either University attended by a learned and prudent tutor, had his expences been carefully limited within the bounds of a decent liberality, had even his admiffion there been only deferred for two or three years, till time had ftrengthened his understanding, and corrected his ignorant ambition, we will venture to affert that no calamity could have happened like that which he fo eloquently de

plores. He would then have avoided that ftrong tincture of foreign manners with which his mind was evidently imbued; he would then, in the acquifition of another modern language, not have deprived himself for a time of correctness in his own; for however like a paradox this may feem in fuch a writer as Gibbon, it is true. He would then probably have avoided those rocks of irreligion and infidelity, on which his zeal to free himself from every burden of fuperftition feems at last to have driven him as it had driven others. It is a favourite topic among parents in the prefent day, to impute all the errors and follics in which their children may indulge, to the fchools in which they have seen placed for education. Alas thefe are only the fcenes, not the caufes, of their extravagance. This must be traced to an earlier and a mightier fource: to the prevailing levity and diffipation of the age, which clouds the atmosphere of Univerfities, as well as that of other great towns and cities; to the indulgence and fondambition of fathers, who are gratified to hear that their fons affociate with their fuperiors in fortune and in rank; to the hope that glittering accomplishments will compenfate for the neglect of laborious ftudy; to the thoughtless pride which difdains and repels fubor. dination and controul :-these causes, while they univerfally operate, overwhelm every barrier of difcipline with irrefiftible force; and academical authority can at beft but feebly retard, without effectually restraining the torrent.

But we refume the thread of our narration.

For more than four years Mr. G. refided in Switzerland, pursuing his ftudieswith great vigour, both in thedead and in the living languages; and corre fponding with fome of the most eminent among the learned of Germany and France. Before he was recalled from Switzerland he had the fatisfaction of feeing the moftextraordinary man of the age, Voltaire. That celebrated Author received with great civility an English youth: but Mr. G. tells us that he was not able to boast of any peculiar notice or distinction. The highest grati fication which he derived from Voltaire's refidence at Lausanne, was the uncommon circumftance of hearing a great Peet declaim his own productions on the Stage. His declamation was

fashioned

fashioned to the pomp and cadence of the old Stage; and he expreffed the enthufiafm of poetry, rather than the feelings of nature.

Our author was now fenfible for the firft time of the pallion of love; and Mademoiselle Sufan Curbod, who afterwards became the wife of M. Neckar, the Minister of the French Monarchy, was the object that excited it. Though his love was difappointed of

fuccefs, he always retained a tender friendship for that elegant and ingeniAt Laufanne our Author ous lady. indulged his dream of felicity; but on his return to England his father would not hear of fuch an alliance. After a painful ftruggle he yielded to his fate, and his wound was infenfibly healed by abfence, and the habits of a new life. (To be continued.)

WE have placed these two works together, as the latter is only the fecond part of the former (what relates to the Finances and Refources of the Republic of France), tranflated into English, with a Poftfcript of about twenty five pages of additional matter, arifing from certain circumstances that have taken place in France fince the part preceding was fent to the prefs. Of works fo nearly the fame in every refpe&t but of the language in which they are written, it will not be neceffary to fpeak as of diftin& publications; what, therefore, we purpose to fay of them will apply equally to both. ladeed, the only part of the French Effay which is not to be found in the Engli, relates to our author's ideas of the Affig nats, or paper-money of France, previ. oufly to Mr. Calonne's enquiries on the fame fubje&t; and as the opinions and conclufions of these two able writers and politicians are toto cœlo at variance in this very curious investigation, the more important parts of Mr. D'Ivernois' politions are neceffarily reconfidered in his defence.

As we have not feen M. de Calonne's work we cannot undertake to decide, efpecially in a question fo complicated and intricate, which has the better of the argument. They may both be expected to understand the fubject, as far as it is likely to be understood; they are both able writers, and both partizans; the difference that exists between them does not feem to be in favour of the ci-devant Minifter of France. He bas been tried in his political character,

and no fuccefs refulted from the experiment. On the contrary, he was the firft that gave motion to an immenfe and irrefidible machine, which neither he,nar any other artift, has hitherto been able to reitrain; and which has been rolling ever fince in all directions, fpreading ruin and devaftation in its progrefs. That M. de Calonne has confiderably varied from the opinions which he held when he was poffeffed of the reins of Government, proves only that he is now inconfiftent, or was then deftitute of fagacity; for admitting that the violence and confufion of the times might baffle accuracy of prediction, it ought at leaft to have fuggefted caution and vigilance; and especially to have displayed in glaring colours the extreme fully and abfurdity of rifquing at fuch a period novelties in Administration, or what had almoft become fo by obfoleteness and antiquity.

As to the bufinefs of the Affignats, are the French a ruined people or not? Mr. D'Ivernois fays, Yes; M. de Calonne fays, No.

Who shall decide when Doctors difaAnd foundest Casuists doubt ?

gree,

but, in our judgment, the true folution of it, time, and time only can fupply. If France fhould fettle fpeedily in fome form of Government, where the arts of peace are cultivated with fuccefs, where commerce, agriculture, and rational liberty, fhall receive at laft the protection which has been fo long denied them, we must then admit that M. de Calonne has the better of the argument. If on the contrary, as indeed the analogy of hiftory and experience leads us to conjecture, a fyftem of robbery, violence, and war, with refpect to the unfortunate nations on their confines, should fucceed to the anarchy, rapine aud confufion which has fo long tyrannized at home; if, at laft, and after many painful truggles, they return to the point from whence they fet out, a limited Monarchy; limited, if not by law, yet by reafon, by policy, and by boncur; they will fufficiently evince the truth of M. D'Ivernois' pofitions; will demonftrate, that in nations as well as individuals, bonefly is the only policy that is fure and durable, and that infallible ruin and calamity tread clofely in their footsteps, whenever they deviate from the eternal maxims of veracity and juftice.

In a queftion which involves the hap. pincfs of a nation, durability is a very important confideration, and ther: fore we lay very great stress upon it, when we enquire into the probable good cr evil which may enfue from the meafures of the French Government. Mr. D'Ivernois agrees with us in this opi

principle of its diftrefs, will rather be its deliverer from its difficulties. M. de Calonne has exerted all his powers in developing this idea. He difcovers, by a very eafy calculation, that as the 785 millions flerling which have been spent by France fince the commencement of the Revolution, only represent at prefent 5,200,000l. fterling, it follows, that four years war, &c. have not coft France more than the fourth part of what Engiand bus fpent in one year of war only.

"There muft certainly be fomething fpecious in this calculation, because several perfons have been ftruck with it; but I believe there will be no great difficulty in thewing that it is altogether illufive, in fact a meer fophifm, con, trived by using the words France and England, instead of the People of France and the People of England; for if thefe compound terms had been used, the fallacy would have been felf-evident,

"Firit, then, in order to form a juft idea of what this war has coft Brance, we ought to know the real value of the enormous quantities of fpecie, plate, bullion, and jewels of all forts, which her Government has iquandered, after having forcibly taken them from private perfons, from commercial bodies, and from the churches. Next, in order to calculate the real value of what the paper-money he has iffued has enabled her to fpend, we ought to know how much fpecie or merchandize each emiftion of affignats was equivalent to at the time when it was issued. But without any minute inveftigation of thele data, I may venture to affert, without danger of exaggeration, that France, during the War, has really expended more than twice as much as the whole Coalition against her; and in confirmation of this I can quote an affertion made in the Council of Ancients, by one of its most intelligent members, who valued thẻ 30 milliards iffued and voted to the end of 1795, as five milliards of specie. Let us allow for a moment the accuracy of this calculation, and admit that France has only spent by means of affignats a real value of five milliards, or fomewhat more than 200 millions fterling; and let us, for the fake of comparifon, affume what Great Britain has spent in the fame time by means of loans funded on new taxes, as bearing a proportion to that of the French expence of 198 to 200, which, however, is more than three times its actual amount. In the

one

one country the Government has contrived to procure the merchandize, produce, and fervice of the people, by promises to pay, called paper-money; and in the other, the inhabitants have been punctually paid for the fame things, and to their real value, with money advanced by themselves for that purpose.

"Now in this cafe nothing can be more clear, thin that if the French Government only difcharges the onehundredth part of the bills which it has iffued, the remaining ninety-nine parts are loft to the people, who, upon the credit of thofe bills, have advanced of their property to the amount of 200 millions itering; and the portion of their merchandize, &c. which will never be reimburfed to them, is a facrisce exactly as great as that of their adverf.ries would have been, if they had lent to their Government the fum of 198 millions fterling, with which all their other advances and fervices had beca paid. The only difference is, that the one nation will have contributed in kind to the charges of the war, while the other will have paid for those charges with money.

"But if in this point of view the facrifices of the two nations would have been equal, yet in a profpective view of their effects they would be incommenfurable. In the one, where fuch an enormous fubfidy had been gradually raised by taxes impofed with caution and proportioned to ability, thofe taxes might for a time diminish, but would not exhauft, the incomes of the perfons who must pay them; and thofe perfons, confidered collectively, by paying the new taxes, furnifh the money with which they themselves are paid the interest of their leans to the Government, and which were funded on th fe taxes. In the other nation, where the whole fubfidy has been either advanced or extorted in kind, and without a chance of re-imbursement; in confequence of the inability of the Government to fulfil its engagements, all the expences of the war are irregularly proportioned, without any attention to the relative wealth of the perfons in whole hands the paper. money happens to be at the time when the Government gets rid of its obliga. tion, by contriving to inforce a repay ment of it to itfelf at one for one hundred of its relative value. Some poor and credulous perfons, with all their httle property in their pocket-books, will find themfeives reduced to the

loweft mifery; while other wealthy perfons, with large eftates, and who have always diftrutted this paper-money feel no inconvenience from a decree which totally ruins all the families that have not been able to follow their example. This pernicious decree will not only deftroy all the former propor tions of fortunes, but will defides put a fudden ftop to all the enterprises of induftry. In thus declaring its own bankruptcy, this blind Administration may have believed that it was freeing itself from its obligation to difcharge the debts contracted by previous folly; but the enormous deficiency of the existing taxes, which must be the neceflary confequence of fuch a bankruptcy, will foon reduce it to the abfolute impoffibility of providing any regular fupply for future expences. It will have ruined, perhaps for an age to come, the people, whole competence was its fole fupport; in vain will it attempt to perfuade them, that the demortization of paper money only takes away their ar tificial riches; the claffes ruined by it will ask in a rage, whether they did not give their real rubes in exchange for thefe pretended artificial_riches? and it will be found that this bankruptcy has deftroyed even the means of repairing the difaftrous effects of the War.

"But how will it be if all refources are completely drained before the War itfelf is terminated; before the conditions are known upon which the oppofite parties are difpofed to end it? And how will it be when this wretched people find, that during its dreams of inexhauftitle opulence, it has fuffered almost all its former treasure to be tranfported into other countries? How will it be when, in order to recover the proportion of fpecie that is deficient, and which will be neceffary to restore the political confequence of France, its inhabitants, in a country whofe means of production are ruined, find themfeives reduced to make perpetual èxertions in order to draw back, by flow degrees, their fpecie from abroad? Then, at laft, this credulous nation will be completely undeceived, and will execrate the impoftors who have feduced it, by perfuading it that liberty was only to be gained by the run of property; at laft it will fee the folly of its war for the fake of conquefts. While its enemies have been defraying the expences by their income, France has contrived

to

to diffipate its capital; and finds, at laft, that every Government is helplets, whofe fubjects are indigent.

"This will be, in fact, this already is, the effect in the French Republic, of the depreciation of the affignats, and of their inevitable annihilation."

Mr. D'Ivernois, in the profecution of his argument, endeavours to folve the difficulty, why meat at Paris, which beyond all doubt is twice as fcarce in proportion as corn, fhould in November 1795 tell for little more than half the price of 1790. He fays, it is true only with relpect to the metropolis, and is explained by Vernier's declaration on the 16th of June, that the confumption of Paris in meat only coft the Government 37 millions per month. But what Government bought very dear in the Departments, and fold again at a great Jofs to the Parifians, proves nothing as to the abundance in the Departments themfelves. The price of wood has fallen in France precifely for the fame reafon as that of meat; because the forests have been cut down every where. Other articles have almoft univerfally rifen; and particularly, in confequence of the dearness of bread, thofe forts of provifions which may be used without that addition, have fucceffively increafed in price. There have been periods when the inhabitants of Paris have ⚫ lived upon half a pound of meat with only one ounce of bread per day. Candles, which Government confiders as a Juxury, and therefore will not provide

for the metropolis, have been fometimes fo dear, that the Citizens found it a fort of economy to go to the Opera, in order to fave candles at home.

Our author tells us in his Poftscript, that a M. Le Noir de la Roche, who is fuppofed to write under the authority of The Directory, gives up the idea of the natural boundaries (the Mountains and the Rhine) of the dominion of the Republic, fince the annihilation of the affignats, and would fuffer the conquered countries to chufe their form of Government for themselves; and this perhaps is a dawning of returning moderation.

Whoever fits down to the perusal of thefe pamphlets with an unprejudiced mind, cannot fail to fee in them that France is at this inftant in a very wretched and ruinous condition. How far the ruin of nations is analogous to that of individuals we will not decide; and admitting with Mr. de Calonne that France is ftill formidable, it must be as outlaws are and robbers. But when the and her abettors call upon Eng and to follow her example, we may reply as the Epigrammatift does to the ufurious and covetous Knight who recommends his own œconomy as a model of inanage, ment, and beg to defer the experiment till dire neceffity impofes it :

"Live like you, Sir John That we can do, when all we have is gone." R.R.

THE

Mores,

In Two Volt. Octavo.

Virg. Georg. Lib. 4,

HE learned Morhoff, in his "Poly. hiftor," after citing from the Letters of Guy Patin a curious account of an Italian, who had invented " a certain compofition of earth, an inflamed lump of which, about the fize of a tennis-ball, would, without fmoke or fmell, diffufe an inftantaneous warmth over a rouni," takes occafion to expatiate on the many advantages arising from the narratives and the knowledge of travellers. Had this judicious and laborious Profeffor Hourihed in the prefent day, he would probably have deemed it neceffary to

dedicate an entire chapter of his im, portant work to this particular branch of literature, on which he has only bestowed a few occafional remarks. In the feventeenth century there were not many examples of perfons migrat ing at leifure through foreign countries, with little other serious business in their minds than how they should communicate to the public the wonders they had explored. From the multitudes who now write upon these topics, we may infér the multitudes by whom their labours are encouraged; for though good roads

and