fing their grievances was through their representatives—their ligiti

mate organs.

Mr. SHERIDAN. I must own that I have heard with more concern than furprise the fpeech of the honourable gentleman who has just now fat down. I did indeed hope and believe, that in confequence of the warmth, and indignation teftified by my right honourable friend, which to me were not the leaft recommendations of his fpeech on the prefent occafion, that deep fhame had struck the friends and affociates of the right honourable gentleman dumb. [A cry of Hear! Hear!] Perhaps it may be conceived to have been unreasonable in me to have cherished fuch an expectation, or to have fuppofed that shame could have any influence in that quarter. But I augured well from their filence; I perceived fomething like fhame in their countenances, and I was in hopes that contrition might follow. When the honourable gentleman rofe, I still cherished the hope, notwithstanding repeated difappointments, that there had at laft been found a measure of his right honourable friend too ftrong, even for him, to approve. But I now find that, in fupporting a measure, which violates the fundamental principle of the Bill of Rights, the right of petitioning, the honourable gentleman confoles himself with the reflection that he is only doing his part to tranfmit to pofterity the liberty we have derived from our ancestors. The honourable gentleman has difcovered, that a regular confpiracy has been, for fome years, going on against the Conftitution of the country. I do moft firmly believe this to be the cafe; though, perhaps, I differ with him as to the quarter from which this confpiracy originates. The honourable gentleman has difcovered, that a fpitit of fedition and difaffection to the Government has increased, is increifing, and ought to be diminished. this fpirit exifts at prefent, more than it has done fince the commencement of the war, Minifters have put a direct lie in the mouth of His Majefty, who, in his fpeech, at the opening of the feffion, ftated the spirit of order and fubmiffion to the laws which had manifefted itself among his faithful fubjects. Were Minifters then prepared to fupport the fufpenfion of the Habeas Corpus act? What was their argument on the first day of the feffion? They contended, that one of the bleffed effects of the French war was, that it had almost completely eradicated French principles. Now it was found that the danger from thofe principles was fo much increased in proportion to the increasing preffure which the war had brought upon the country, the inconvenience already felt from fcarcity, and the apprehenfions of approaching famine, that it was necessary for Minifters to refort to fuch defperate measures of precaution, as had

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never before been attempted. The honourable gentleman affirms, thofe clubs and focieties, which it is now the object to fupprefs, to be of recent origin, and asks, what were the liberties of the country, now fuppofed to be fo much endangered, before their inftitution? Thefe clubs and focieties have exifted in the country ever fince the Revolution. Of many of them, fince the period of the American war, the honourable gentleman has himself been an active and diftinguished Member. And here I have occafion to regret that the honourable gentleman fhould be troubled with that shortness of memory which is incidental, in common with himself, to all the friends of the right honourable Chancellor of the Exchequer. In confequence of this defect, it is neceffary for me to remind him of the active part he took in his oppofition to the India bill; of his fpirited, though unfortunate excrtions for the abolition of the flave trade; and of his former fupport, in conjunction with his right honourable friend, to the caufe of parliamentary reform. I afk him whether, upon all thefe occafions he would have gone on fo triumphantly in his focieties, or among his conftituents, with a Juftice of Peace at his elbow? My only confolation with refpect to the propofed bill is, that its exceffive folly and confummate absurdity are fuch as mut defeat itfelf, and like other meafures of Minifters, I have no doubt that, after a few efforts, in confequence of being found untenable, it will be regularly abandoned. A worthy Magiftrate (Mr. Lufhingron), took offence at being charged with an attack on the rights of juries. He defended, with great eloquence and animation, the right of pofterity to improve upon the wisdom of their ancestors, and to adopt fuch improvements upon ancient inftitutions as their own better judgement may fuggeft. In confequence of this exertion of his eloquence, he no doubt will receive the thanks of the next meeting at Copenhagen House. Such an exertion, no doubt, might naturally have been expected in such a caufe, when I recollect that the worthy Alderman has himself been an active reformer; and, if there be no offence in the title, a friend of the people. If he ftill retains a feat in the fociety, we fhall have this advantage, that under the operation of the present bill, he may attend our meetings as a Magiftrate as well as a Member. And from this circumftance, we fhall have confiderable reason to regret, if the worthy Alderman has withdrawn himself from our fociety. An honourable Baronet (Sir William Pulteney) treated the subject with a degree of levity not at all confiftent with the ufual gravity of his manner. He feems to think that all the danger at popular meetings arifes from the circumftance, that the Speakers ftate only one fide of the queftion. So that we must con

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ceive the bufinefs of the Magiftrates to be not to take up the people, but to take up the argument. In this cafe, where are we to find those able Magiftrates, and clever Speakers, who are to attend all the meetings, to correct miss-statements, and supply the deficiency of information? In Westminster, the head quarters of thofe feditious affemblies, the Magiftrates are the hired creatures, and agents of Minifters, a defpicable fet of paid, penfioned placehunters; neither capable to communicate information, nor to attend with impartiality. By the bye, he was reminded how violently the prefent Secretary at War had oppofed the bill for throwing the Magiftracy into the hands of fuch a fet of men, and with what terms of contempt he had then treated their character. order to qualify those Magiftrates for the task which the worthy Baronet has affigned them, it will first be neceffary to give them integrity; fecondly, independence; and laftly, ability to detect mifrepresentation, and refute unfounded arguments, the confequence of all which must be, to take from them the only thing which they now poffefs, namely, their falaries. But the Magiftrates, it seems, are to attend, accompanied by their conftables. In this cafe fair argument had but little chance. If a Speaker, when interrupted by the Magiftrate, faid, "You have not heard me out, allow me to explain myself," and the Magiftrate did not chufe that he. fhould proceed, immediately the Riot Act was read, the conftables interfered, and the meeting was forcibly diffolved. And this was what gentlemen called, "fetting a man to rights," that is to fay, knocking him down." Upon my word, fuch nonfenfe can fcarcely be made a fubject of serious argument. As it is the nature of man always to refift oppreffion, how many Magistrates will be wanted, in order to carry into effect this new system? Will it be neceffary, as, to the difgrace of the fervice, it was with respect to furgeons' mates for the army, to advertize, Wanted a number of Magiftrates," &c. I now speak in the hearing of a number of refpectable gentlemen, who ferve as Juftices of the Peace, not one of whom, I am confident, if the prefent bill fhall pafs, will be. difpofed to act in that capacity, as the penfioned fpy of Minifters. Mr. Sheridan stated, that with regard to the affault upon His Majefty, he was totally ignorant of it on the evening it happened, and when he entered that House, had heard of nothing except fome indiftinct clamours. He wished to explain this circumstance, becaufe the expreffions he had made ufe of on the occafion had afforded matter of comment to fome gentlemen, who were defirous to misrepresent his fentiments. He had feen in a newfpaper that day, he faid, a thing said to be heads of a bill introduced to Parliament;

he did not believe it: becaufe of all that he had ever feen or read, nothing appeared to him fo grofs and feandalous a libel; he could not credit it to be the production of a fane man; but much lefs of any man who would dare to impute improper motives to the meeting at Copenhagen Houfe; to that meeting he had never heard any felid charge laid; no riot, no difturbance; all was peaceable, fober, and confiftent with the principles of the Conftitution; how then are we to account for the operations of the Minifter, but in his difappointment? he hoped for tumult, and peace difappointed his views. But there was another way of accounting for the Minifter's vindictiveness; the fytem of terror, which reigned last year died with the trials; it might now be wifhed to revive it; and inftead of the connection which had been attempted to be made out between the proceedings at Copenhagen Houfe, and the outrage on His Majefty, that outrage might probably be traced to fome one of that army of fpies, who, having been thrown out of employ in confequence of plots being difcredited, and the fufpenfion of the Habeas Corpus repealed, might be defirous to revive the profitable trade of alarm, and might think too, that he did a thing not ingrateful to Ministers, by affording them a plausible pretext to deftroy the liberties of the country. From the general diftruft which he had of every fresh attempt to create alarm, he was led to conclude, that if the Minifter was to follow up the inquiry with refpect to the authors of the outrage, it would end in the execution of one of his own fpies. He concluded with an apoftrophe to the Speaker, who, he hoped, would imitate many of his virtuous predeceffors, by treating the proffered bill, should it be attempted to be brought before the House, with the indignant refentment which it merited, as an infult to the dignity of the Houfe, and not even fuffering it to be read. For my part, faid Mr. Sheridan, if this bill fhali pafs, I fhall think myself unworthy to continue longer the prattling representative of a dumb and enslaved people, and I fhall confider this Houfe as unworthy that exception which fecures to them that freedom of difcuffion, which they will then have fo justly forfeited.

Mr. MARTIN faid, he lamented as much as any man, the daring outrage that had been offered to His Majefty; and he revered the family on the throne. His loyalty was as great as that of any man in the kingdom, but he never could allow the mere act of an individual, to juftify a measure like the prefent, which went to deprive the people of their deareft privileges. He believed in his confcience, that the right honourable gentleman had taken advantage of what had happened to roufe a fpirit in the country to fupport the intolerable measures of Government. He had long foreseen VOL. XLIII.

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what was going forward, and that there was no profpect of their getting out of their difficulties. Such a military force was establifhed all over the country, that he feared much blood would be fhed before the nation could regain its liberties, and defend the Conftitution. Every town in England was full of foldiers. He of late went down to the University of Oxford, where he had received his education, as a place where he had hoped to enjoy a little repofe from the scenes of active life; but he heard more drums, trumpets, and fifes, than college bells. Many proud, pompous buildings in the county had been converted into barracks. He remembered the day when no Member of that Houfe would have dared to propose such a measure. He fincerely hoped the measure would never pafs into a law, as he was fearful it would prove the deftruction of the country. Thefe were the few observations which occurred to him, and he mentioned them in the fulness of his heart.

The right honourable WILLIAM WINDHAM (Secretary at War; exprefied his wonder, that notwithstanding much warmth had arifen, and much bold affertion had been made, yet the oppofers of the bill had been very fhy of any thing like argument and proof. They fay at once we are to be enflaved; but how do they make that appear; by what evidence, or courfe of _rcafoning? He was not any more furprised at their oppofition than they profeffed themfelves to be at the introduction of the meafure; for they had been too long and clofely in unifon with thofe likely to be affected by it, to contemplate fuch a bill with curtefy or indifference. The Houfe, he hoped, however, would not fuffer itfelf to be guided by the fentiments of thofe who exulted on acquittals, where, if the parties were not guilty of treafon, yet every one must pronounce them guilty of being concerned in fyftems and plans that infallibly led to the entire fubverfion of the Conftitution. He envied not fuch a ftate of exultation. Had the parties been denied any indulgence? No. Had they not been treated with ferupulous fairness and candour? Certainly yes. Why then exult becaufe the law was not fufficiently extenfive to reach them, or the Jury had not extended it as far as they might have done? He wished to meet them on the prefent fubject, on the ground of proof and argument, as to the intentions and tendency of the meetings in queftion, and of the means made ufe of. Do they not proceed, as after a grand exemplar, in the very track that effected the ruin and defolation of one of the greatest empires in the world? They tell you, with an honourable Member of this Houfe, that the French Revolution is the greatest and most glorious fabric ever