slightest shade of difference. Such a circumstance I consider as matter of just pride and of honest satisfaction. It exhibits the most undeniable proof that the steps which his majesty has taken towards negotiation, that the explicit declaration he has made, are so unexceptionable, that they must command assent from any man who retains the smallest concern for the interest and honour of his country. Impressed with this feeling of satisfaction, I can have ments of our navy still farther serve to corroborate: the achievements of that navy have been brilliant and glorious; at no former period have they displayed greater gallantry, and never perhaps equal skill. No eulogiums can be too high for their merits. Yet after all this, the character of the peace which we are desirous to obtain, and the utmost we can expect, is, that it shall be solid and of permanent duration. Then what must be the sort of conflict in which we are engaged, in which,—after a four years successful ex-but little inclination to detain the House ertion of all the skill and all the valour of our navy, in which they have invariably conquered, and carried the flag of England triumphant to every quarter of the world-all our efforts cannot produce to us a peace either brilliant or glorious, but we must content ourselves with hoping for a peace that may be solid and permanent? Must we not own that there is something in the cause in which we are engaged radically defective, that palsies our efforts, and disappoints our strength? that there is something which demands from the common sense and prudence of Englishmen, a rigorous investigation, that we may discover what this something is, not merely to retrieve the present calamity, but to guard posterity against the error in future? A day will come for such a question; and I give my assent to the present address, without moving any amendment upon the points of which I do not cordially approve, because when the day for such a discussion does come, I shall have an opportunity of making the observations that I think it important for the House to entertain upon those points. With this reserve, I shall not oppose the address which has been moved. Mr. Pitt said:--Although I feel myself impelled, Sir, from more than one consideration, to come forward on the present occasion, I shall not be under the necessity of troubling the House much at length. It is certainly to me matter of great satisfaction, that, at so critical a conjuncture, on the only great and substantial question, on which the address proposes to express any opinion, there should be no difference of sentiment in this House. There are indeed many topics on which the right hon. gentleman touched in the course of his speech, in which I now differ with him as much as I did at any former period; but, with respect to the substantial object of the address, there does not subsist the [VOL. XXXII. ] on points of slighter difference. I look with still higher satisfaction to the concurrence now expressed in the object of the address, as the pledge of general unanimity, and the omen of great exertions, if, unfortunately, that object should not be obtained.-The right hon. gentleman justly states, that what has hitherto been done, amounts only to an overture for peace. It is impossible to state what may be the result. We cannot pronounce what will be the disposition of the enemy, or what circumstances may occur to influence the fate of negotiation. We ought to look fairly to our situation. It holds out to us a chance of peace, if the enemy are disposed to accede to it on just and reasonable terms; but, on the other hand, if they are still actuated by ambitious projects, we shall gain another object by the course we have pursued; we shall unmask them in the eyes of Europe; we shall expose the injustice of their policy and their insatiable thirst of aggrandizement! and, if no other advantage be gained, we at least shall be able to put to the proof the sincerity of that pledge which has this day been given, that if the enemy are not disposed to accede to peace on just and reasonable terms, the war will be supported by the unanimous voice of the nation. I trust it will not be necessary to have recourse to such a test of sincerity; but, while we indulge with satisfaction in the hope of a more favourable issue, we must at the same time look to the other alternative. If the unanimity of this day be accompanied with such views, if it is not an unanimity founded merely upon the pleasing sound of peace, and the prospect of the termination of those scenes of horror and calamity with which war is always attended (such an unanimity would indeed be fatal to the country), but if it is an uhanimity the result of rational and manly [4 H] reflection, and founded upon a careful May not a period of four years have proconsideration of the situation of the coun- duced many events to justify a material try, it cannot then be too highly prized. change of policy? The argument of On this head I shall say no more, and, the right hon. gentleman amounts to agreeing thus far with the right hon. this, that either you must make peace gentleman, I would wish to say as little as the day after the aggression, or not possible on the other points on which he make it at all. With respect to the touched in the course of his speech, and relative situation of this country and with respect to which we widely differ. Spain, it would not be consistent with The right hon. gentleman has intimated, my duty to go into any detail on that subthat we must change the whole system of ject at the present moment.-As to the our interior policy, which he considers question of our resources, the right hon. inconsistent with the constitution of the gentleman admits them to be extensive country. I am happy, however, to find, and flourishing. They furnish, indeed, a that he is so far satisfied with the consti- subject of well-grounded confidence. If tution, as to ascribe to its protection that the revenue after a four years war, and after internal tranquillity which the country all the additional burthens which have has for some time past enjoyed. He at been imposed, still keeps up to the rate at the same time reprobates, in the severest which it was stated last year, that circumterms, the laws which were passed during stance is surely no slight source of satisthe last parliament, and declares that he faction. With respect to our commerce, cannot subscribe to that part of his ma- notwithstanding all the embarrassments jesty's speech, which includes those with which it has had to encounter, it has among the laws, the energy and wisdom attained a pitch of unexampled prosperity. of which have contributed to secure Of the continuance of this prosperity, we the tranquillity of the country. Having have now the best assurance. The state made this declaration, it would be uncan- of our exports during the last six months did on my part not to be equally explicit. has been equal to what they were in the I desire no gentleman to vote for the ad- most flourishing year of peace, 1792; and dress upon any such qualification with our foreign trade has even exceeded the respect to those laws. I am firmly of produce of that year, which was the most opinion, that, without them the peace of productive of any in the history of this the country could not have been main- country. Under these circumstances, tained. They were passed in a moment of whatever temporary embarrassments may alarm and turbulence; and have been have arisen from the quantity of specie found admirably calculated to meet the sent out of the country, from the want of emergency of the time. The right hon. a sufficient circulating medium, from the gentleman seems to consider that endea- state of foreign markets, and from the invours have only been made of late to crease of our capital; and however those procure peace. He ought to recollect difficulties may for a time have obstructed that his majesty's speech particularly the ordinary operations of finance, the refers to what has taken place since he commercial character of the country has last communicated with his parliament. lost neither its vigour nor importance. When an examination shall be instituted If such has been the state of things, at a into the steps which have been adopted period when the country has had to conto secure the re-establishment of peace, tend for every thing dear to it; if, notno endeavours will be found to have been withstanding all the obstacles which have wanting on the part of ministers. The clogged the machinery, the spring has reright hon. gentleman has told us, that we tained so much force and energy, we may are at last consented to adopt that course presume, that, if, by the obstinacy and which he has uniformly recommended, ambition of the enemy, we should be namely, to send a person to Paris, and called to still greater exertions, our retry the effect of negotiation. He takes sources as yet remain untouched, and that to himself all the merit of that policy we shall be able to bring them into action which we have tardily adopted. He says, with a degree of effect worthy of the cha "You are now taking those measures racter of Britons, and of the cause in which, if you had listened to my counsels, which they will be employed. These reyou would have adopted four years ago." sources have in them nothing hollow or But does it follow that the measure delusive. They are the result of an accu was right then, because it is right now?mulated capital, of gradually increasing -- commerce, of high and established credit. They are the fruits of fair exertion, of laudable ingenuity, of successful industry; they have been produced under a system of order and of justice, while we, under many disadvantages, have been contending against a country which exhibits in every respect the reverse of the picture; a proof that the regular operation of those principles must triumph over the unnatural and exhausting efforts of violence and extortion. By these resources we are now qualified to take such steps as may tend to conduct us to a solid and a durable peace; or if we do not succeed in that object to prosecute the contest with firmness and confidence.-The right hon. gentleman wasted a good deal of ingenuity in attempting to prove that the speech ought to have contained an express acknowledgment of the French government. But it ought to have occurred to him, that a passport having been sent for and granted, some communication must have taken place on that occasion, and as the executive directory were satisfied with the form of communication, and the mode in which they had been addressed, it could not be necessary for him to start a difficulty where they had found none. I can assure him, on the part of the British ministers, that no question of etiquette, no difficulty of form originating from them, will be permitted to stand in the way of negotiation.-The right hon. gentleman has suggested what lessons we ought to derive from the experience of adversity. These lessons may be greatly varied according to the situation of the parties and the different points of view in which the subject is considered. But when the right hon. gentleman tells us, that the situation of this country is that of adversity, I can by no means agree to the proposition. Of the virtues to be acquired in the school of adversity, the right hon. gentleman only mentioned those of moderation and forbearance, Moderation, I should consider as that virtue which is best adapted to the dawn of prosperity: there are other virtues of no less importance which are to be acquired under a reverse of fortune; there are the virtues of adversity endured and adversity resisted, of adversity encountered, and adversity surmounted. The recent example of Germany has furnished an illustrious instance of fortitude and perseverance, and their fortitude and. perseverance have had their merited reward. These are lessons which I trust this country has not to learn. England has never shown itself deficient in firmness and magnanimity : unrivalled in its resources, it has always been foremost in the career of honourable exertion; and I trust it has only to maintain its accustomed vigour and perseverance, to effect the restoration of general tranquillity, upon terms consistent with the dignity of its own character, and the security and interest of Europe. The Address was agreed to nem. con. The King's Answer to the Commons Address.] To the Address of the Commons his Majesty gave this answer: "Gentlemen ;-I return you my particular thanks for this dutiful and affectionate address. The cordial and unanimous assurances of your continued and zealous support afford me the utmost satisfaction in this important conjuncture: they must have the happiest tendency to give effect to my endeavours for the restoration of peace on secure, honourable, and adequate terms; and they afford me, at the same time, a just confidence, that if this desirable end cannot be obtained, I shall be enabled to prosecute the war with redoubled vigour and activity in support of our dearest interests." Quakers' Relief Bill.] Oct. 17. Mr. Serjeant Adair rose to move for leave to bring in a bill for the relief of the people called Quakers. In the last parliament, the principles on which the bill was framed, gave universal satisfaction. The object of the bill was two-fold: first, to grant relief to the Quakers, with regard to the imprisonment of their persons for non-payment of tythes; and, in the next place, to render their affirmation evidence, in criminal as well as in civil cases. Nothing could be more congenial to the principles of justice, than to extend that relief which the bill intended, to a body of men who were universally allowed to be as unoffending, and as obedient to the laws, as any set of men in the country; and certain he was, however we might differ from them on account of their religious scruples, that the House, actuated by the principles and love of liberty, would be ever ready to give way to the scruples of persons upon matters of religion or con science, and while they were satisfied that those scruples were sincere, would * See p. 1023 of the present Volume. treat them with respect and indulgence. -The legislature had formerly granted indulgencies to the Quakers respecting the payment of tythes. They considered the payment of tythes, in a certain form, as contrary to the divine law, and therefore thought they ought not to obey a human law, if it appeared to them contrary to the divine one. That they were sincere in that opinion was evinced by its having been productive of many temporary inconveniencies to them, having subjected some of them to perpetual imprisonment, which they suffered in silence rather than give up their scruples. Under these circumstances, the legislature had taken the subject into consideration, and accordingly we find, that in the 7th and the Sth of king William it was provided, that where the payment of tythes did not exceed 10. a remedy was given to the Quakers in a certain manner there de scribed, and experience had shown the wisdom of that measure. It was his object now to make the principle of that measure more extensive in its effect. The Quakers did not object to the payment of tythes, provided they were not made active in their obedience to the law, by which tythes were claimed of them, but their scruples of conscience led them to think it a breach of the divine law for them to be active in their obedience to a civil institution, which they considered as repugnant to divine authority and as our law now stood, the process might be such as to compel them to be thus active against their conscience; they therefore were subject to perpetual imprisonment when an attachment was issued against their persons for the nonpayment of tythes. To this perpetual imprisonment they had submitted, rather than be active in the payment of tythes. It was with a view of relieving these conscientious men that he brought in the bill which passed that House in the last parliament; and which it was his object now to renew. In the reign of George 1st, there was a measure similar to this introduced, but as it did not go beyond the sum of 107. it had been found inadequate to the grievance which it was its object to redress. It was his intention to adopt the principle of that hill, to conform to its provisions, and to give additional power as to the means of obtaining costs. The measure he was proposing had nothing new in its nature; it was only enlarging the amount of the sum for which the remedy was already provided: but al though he wished to relieve the Quakers from the hardships they suffered, yet he had no view of doing so without a due regard to the interest of the clergy; on the contrary, the measure would facilitate the recovery of their demands, for as the law now stands the clergyman loses his profits when the Quakers submit to perpetual imprisonment. In cases of much legal difficulty, such as modusses, &c. he should propose the question to be referred to the superior courts, since gentlemen in the commission of the peace, could not be expected to understand all the intricacies of such points. But if it should appear that the party prosecuting his claim had had recourse to the higher authority when the inferior jurisdiction was competent to decide it, then such party should have no more costs than if he had pursued his remedy in the ordinary way.-There was another point, however, to be consi dered. In criminal cases the judges had often seen and lamented the mischief that arose from excluding the crown and the public from the benefit of the evidence of Quakers; and therefore he should propose the taking the affirmations of Quakers in criminal as well as in civil cases. This was analogous to the principle which had guided our courts in their proceedings upon evidence. The bill would therefore enact, that the affirmation of Quakers should be taken in criminal cases. When he stated this, he knew there were many Quakers who did not wish it; but he should do it, because he thought it was a provision which the administration of justice called for; as he had known many who were guilty of the most atrocious offences escape punishment on account of this deficiency in the admissibilty of evidence. He then moved, "That leave be given to bring in a Bill for the farther relief of the people called Quakers, as to the imprisonment of their persons for non-payment of tythes; and for making their solemn affirmation evidence in criminal as well as civil cases." The mo tion was seconded by Mr. Abbot, and agreed to. Debate in the Commons on the threatened Invasion.] Oct. 18. The House having resolved itself into a Committee to consider of the paragraph of his majesty's Speech, which relates to the enemy's having manifested an intention of attempting a descent on these kingsdoms, Mr. Pitt rose and said :-After the unanimous vote which the House gave upon the first day of the session, and their general concurrence in that part of the Address which respects a foreign invasion, it would be doing injustice to the feelings which were then expressed, were I to make any apology for calling their attention to the subject on the present occasion. I shall not detain them therefore a single moment in showing the propriety of laying before them at so early a period the measure which I mean this day to propose. It is equally our duty and our interest, by every means in our power, to preclude the attempt, and to take such measures of defence as shall turn it to the confusion and ruin of the enemy. I shall not at present go much at large into the detail of preparations, but merely suggest a general outline of defence, which, if approved of, may be discussed when the bills are afterwards brought in upon the resolutions. The general considerations are few and obvious. The natural defence of this kingdom, in case of invasion, is certainly its naval force. This presents a formidable barrier, in whatever point the enemy may direct their attack. In this department, however, little now remains to be done; our fleet at this moment being more formidable than at any other period of our history. But strong and powerful as it at present is, it is capable of considerable increase, could an additional supply of seamen, or even landsmen, who in a very short time might be trained to an adequate knowledge of the naval service, be procured. For this purpose I would suggest a levy upon the different parishes throughout the kingdom -an expedient precisely similar to that which was practised with so much success nearly two years ago. This levy, however, I would not confine as a mode of supply for the sea service. It is certainly of the highest importance, both for the internal defence of the country and the security of our foreign possessions, that all the old regiments should be complete. But every one must be sensible, that from the numbers in those regiments who have fallen a sacrifice to sickness and the fortune of war, a more expeditious method must be adopted for their completion, than the ordinary mode of recruiting supplies, in order that the country may be able to avail itself of this arm of strength. I would propose, therefore, in the first place, a levy of 15,000 men from the different parishes for the sea service, and for recruiting the regiments of the line. The committee, however, must be sensible, when a plan of invasion is in agitation-a scheme, which almost at another time would not have been conceived, and an attempt, which, by any other enemy than that with whom we have now to contend, might have been justly deemed impracticable-that a more extensive plan of prevention and of defence is necessary. In digesting this plan there are two considerations of which we ought not to lose sight. The first is the means (which must not be altogether new) of calling together a land force sufficiently strong to frustrate the attempt, keeping our naval force entirely out of view; and secondly, to adopt such measures in raising this force as shall not materially interfere with the industry, the agriculture, and the commerce of the country. It will be for the House to decide upon the degree to which the former consideration ought to be permitted to interfere with the latter. A primary object will be to raise, and gradually to train, such a force as may in a short time be fit for service. Of all the modes of attaining this object, there is none so expeditious, so effectual, and attended with so little expense, as that of raising a supplementary levy of militia, to be grafted upon the present establishment. I should propose that this supplement shall consist of 60,000 men, not to be immediately called out, but to be enrolled, officered, and gradually trained, so as to be fit for service at a time of danger. The best mode of training them, without withdrawing too many at one time from their regular pursuits, will be to embody onesixth part in regular succession, each to be trained for twenty days, in the course of which they may become tolerable proficients in the military exercise. With respect to the mode of conducting the levy, the returns that have been lately made from the different counties show the present levies to be extremely disproportioned, and that the clause in the act which provides against this abuse has never been executed. Accordingly we find that in some counties the proportion is one out of seven, and in others one out of three. It will be expedient therefore to regulate the future levy, not by the proportions now existing, but by a general estimate of the inhabitants who are able to bear arms.-The next consideration |