and with the same breath he admitted that they had the unanimous support of that country which they had ruined, and of those people whom they had oppressHe talked of the danger of taking

they had given on a former night, to neglect no measure to prevent or to repel the danger to which the country was exposed from the threatened invasion. He believed it was the first time when dangered. from an external foe was announced in those precautions which had been prothe speech from the throne, that the sub-posed to prevent an invasion; but what ject had been made the matter of parlia- was this danger when compared with the mentary detail. On the former evening danger on the other side? Mr. Pitt said, the House seemed to be sensible of the he had such a thorough conviction of the impossibility of ministers communicating patriotic zeal and manly feeling of the the proofs of the existence of the danger House, that he would not detain them of which they might be in possession. one moment longer, from giving their Every person seemed to be satisfied with sanction to a measure upon which the the assurance which was then given, that safety of the country so much depended. government was in possession of documents to warrant his majesty in making such a communication; and after the communication had been made, he did not expect its authority would have been questioned. They had been told by those in responsible situations that ministers knew enough, from intelligence to which they gave credit, to render it necessary for them to apprize the country of its danger, and to call upon it to exert its means of defence. A right hon. friend of his had stated his conviction, that from what he had heard of the actual preparations making in France, apparently for the purpose of invading this country, there was just ground of alarm. Was this the language of indifference, much less of hesitation and doubt? Every thing which had occurred from that day to this, had strengthened his apprehensions; but at present he neither felt it safe nor practicable to enter into any detail of the sources of his information. After what he knew of the preparations for putting the design into execution, he should have considered himself guilty of the highest crime against his sovereign and the country, had he neglected to call upon parliament to devise measures to avert the threatened attempt, or to turn it to the ruin and confusion of the enemy. The hon. gentleman was of opinion that an alarm was false, which nine-tenths of the nation believed to be true. He demanded evidence-but what degree of evidence would satisfy him who would not yield assent to proofs which convinced ninetenths of the nation? The hon. gentleman was somewhat inconsistent in the censures which he passed upon ministers, and in the effects which he represented their measures as having produced. He accused them of having invaded the constitution, oppressd and ruined the country,

Mr. Fox said:-I rise, Sir, to offer a few observations upon the doctrines that have fallen from the right hon. gentleman; doctrines, which if they be true, we had better do that in words, which the present administration have been constantly doing in actions; we had better declare that the constitution of the country is good for praise and for oratorical flourish, but that it is not proper for a state of warfare; we had better say that when ministers have brought the country into peril, that peril is a sufficient ground for confidence in them, and that when they have involved us in difficulty and danger, it is the business of the people to surrender all their vigilance, to repose complete faith in them, or in other words, to suspend the constitution, and to make the government of the country an armed monarchy. We are told that it is enough for the king to acquaint us that danger exists, and for us to declare that if it exists, we will put the country in a situation to resist it; we are told, I say, that it is enough for us to pledge ourselves at once to such bills as these; bills which impose upon the people greater pecuniary burdens than any that were ever imposed for any purpose of government; this, however, we are informed we must do, or forfeit our pledge to the king.--Sir, the speech of the king, I shall always consider as the speech of the ministers. They tell us there is danger of an invasion. I may be willing for a time to suspend any inquiry into the causes that have involved us in this difficulty and disgrace. I may be willing to suspend for a time an inquiry into the conduct of those who have brought us into this danger. But must I not know what it is? Must the mere bringing us into danger be of itself a sufficient claim to confidence? For one, I am of opinion, that from external causes there is no par

$

attached to the constitution as it is now, than as it was at the commencement of the war, I cannot allow. I cannot believe that I am one of those "eighty thousand incorrigible Jacobins *" whom nothing can reconcile to the monarchy of this country. So far from thinking their number to be so formidable, I believe it would be difficult to find one of that description. But if those be incorrigble Jacobins who detest the measures of his majesty's ministers, who are of opinion that their conduct has tarnished the glory of the country, and that they have conducted pusillanimously a contest which they rashly and unjustly commenced who think that not only an inquiry into their conduct is indispensable, but that a reform is absolutely necessary, in order to prevent the country from being cursed with such ministers as the present--if these are the incorrigible Jacobins, I am glad to hear that they amount to eighty thousand. I wish they amounted to eight millions. The right hon. gentleman, who states that there is so much necessity for going into the committee, does not disdain, however, to give us some information. He says, that his apprehensions of the danger of an invasion are increased lately; and he said this in so emphatic a way, that I, for one, do not wish to press an opposition to the measure. If the minister really thinks that there is any danger of an invasion, I will not object to some increase of the militia force; but even in that case, I will only suspend my inquiry into the causes that have brought us into this danger. The right hon. gentleman, however, must be aware, that if an invasion is likely to be attempted in England, one system of measures will be necessary, which will not apply, if the invasion is likely to be attempted in another part. Let the minister state this, in order that the means may be adapted to the exigence. Suppose, for example, Jamaica was in danger

of being invaded, you would hardly think it necessary to adopt any precaution in Great Britain; the same observation will apply to parts nearer home. If any other part of the British territories is in danger, the measures calculated to repel that danger ought to be applied to that part which is conceived to be particularly menaced. I understand the right hon. gentleman to say that there is a real danger: a miserable assertion this, by the way, for the House to proceed upon; but, however, the danger we are told is real. That such is the case, is matter of serious concern. Of the ultimate issue of any attempt at invasion, I am as sanguine as his majesty's speech expresses; but I shall be more sanguine, in proportion as I see the people less indifferent to the constitution as the minister found it, not as he has made it.-With respect to the bill in question, I shall not object to the recommitment of it; but unless it be materially altered in the committee, I cannot consent to the passing of it, because I do not think that it contains remedies adequate to the evil. One word more. The right hon. gentleman says, that a great danger threatens us. I agree with him in calling upon the people to resist an invasion on the part of France. Resist it, I say, with all your might. Be unanimous in your exertions, be vigorous in your efforts: draw your purses freely: contribute your personal labours cheerfully. But when I call upon the people to repel any attempt that may be made by France, I also call upon them not to be so alarmed at the danger as not to adopt such measures afterwards as may make the struggle beneficial to themselves. Let them not struggle against France, only to yield to the artifices of the present ministers. My advice to them is, be vigilant against the French; be vigilant also against the minister of this country, who has brought you into this situation of danger. Beware, that while you take measures to prevent your becoming "In England and Scotland, I compute a prey to the French, you do not become that those of adult age, not declining in life, a prey to the minister. I say, be vigilant of tolerable leisure for such discussions, and against domestic as well as foreign eneof some means of information, more or less, mies: but learn to distinguish who your and who are above menial dependance, may domestic enemies are: you have been amount to about four hundred thousand. Of in prosperity, you now feel adversity. these four hundred thousand political citizens, I look upon one-fifth, or about eighty thou-Judge not by the assertions of those who sand, to be pure Jacobins; utterly incapable have robbed you of your rights; judge of amendment; objects of eternal vigilance; not by their comments; judge not upon and when they break out, of legal constraint." presumptive evidence: but judge by your Burke's Letters on a Regicide l'eace. own good sense. Reflect upon your

condition; consider how you were brought of the House to a subject which he coninto it. The situation of your finances ceived to be of great public importance; must show you that it is paradoxical in- the present defective state of the Promuldeed, if you could have been brought into gation of the Statutes. Sir, at the close it without considerable errors (to use the of the last parliament, this grievance softest word on the part of ministers). I was pointed out in the report of a comhope you will judge, not from the assertion mittee upon the temporary laws; and of those who brought you into the calami- the notoriety of the grievance is such, ties you now feel; but that you will at- that I believe I need appeal to no other tend a little to the sentiments of those proof of its existence than the expewho opposed them in their mad career. rience of every man within and without I hope you have not quite forgotten these walls, whose situation in life has the calamities which the American war at any time, in any degree, engaged Drought upon you, and which you would him in the administration of justice. not have suffered to any thing like the The plain fact is this; that the magistrates, extens you did, had you not given to mi- who are entrusted with the execution of nisters a confidence which they did not the laws, have not any correct and speedy deserve. But, it seems, we who oppose means of knowing the laws which they ministers are not a tenth of the nation. are required to enforce; and his majesty's Be it so; then ministers cannot complain subjects in general are exposed to the that we have been any material impedi- hazard of dissolving laws of which they ment to them. This is their artifice, and have no direct communication whatever. I think I understand it pretty clearly. It With regard to the causes by which the has been always the trick of governments, evil exists, most certainly no present whose proceedings are unjust and foolish, blame is personally imputable any where. to say, "Our measures were wise, but The truth is, that the evil has come upon they were thwarted in much of their effi- us by the change of customs which natucacy by opposition." I hope the public rally belongs to a change of times; and will not be the dupes of that artifice any when the older usage of proclaiming stalonger. I hope they will discriminate be- tutes by the sheriff was suspended by the tween their domestic enemies and their do- introduction of printing, we can only mestic friends, and that they will not suffer wonder, that our ancestors did not at their affairs to remain in the paradoxical that æra substitute some better method situation which was some time ago stated, of promulgation by the very means of that ministers by their misconduct may which they had acquired the facility. have brought the country into such a But no such step was then taken; and the state of danger, as to require that the grievance has since grown gradually, people should continue to give them con- with the annual multiplication of our fidence, in order to prevent public ruin. statutes, to such a magnitude as demands Some may think, by a strange perversion an immediate and effectual remedy. of reason, that the same causes which That an adequate remedy should be conducted us to the brink of ruin, may given, the dignity of parliament requires ultimately lead us to safety; that folly and its wisdom will undoubtedly provide. and wickedness will in time have the same At the same time, however, if an appreeffect as wisdom and virtue; as it has hension should be entertained by any been said that some animals can counter-gentleman, that purposes like these, in act their venom, by the repetition of their own bite. We must look for some such fabulous remedy in our misfortunes, if we give ministers any further confidence; for it is too, much to expect a relief from maxims of truth, if such is to continue to be our system.

The Bill was then recommitted.

Mr. Abbot's Motion for a Committee to consider of Promulgating the Statutes.] Nov. 2. Mr. Abbot said, that in consequence of the notice he had given, he would now beg leave to call the attention

times like these, ought to be limited by considerations of economy, I believe I may venture to allege, that means will probably be found arising out of the arrangement of the business, and out of the very improvement of the present system, which may furnish an effectual distribution upon a scale of very considerable extent, even without enhancing the public expenditure in any degree whatever. What that arrangement may be, through what channels the promulgation may be best carried, and to what objects it may be best directed, I should conceive to be the