proper province of a committee to inquire. | the House-when large quotas of money

By that committee, such data may be collected, and such observations upon the materials before them may be prepared for the use of the House, as may enable it afterwards to form a maturer judgment upon the whole question. And ultimately I cannot doubt, but that parliament will give to our laws, that which has been so long and so greatly wanting, an expeditious, extensive, and effectual publicity. He then moved, "That a committee be appointed to consider of the most effectual means of promulgating the Statutes of the realm; and to report the same, with their observations, to the House."

or personal service were called for-when a considerable addition was to be made to the army-he thought it the duty of members to resort to the practice of their ancestors in similar situations. In recurring to former periods, he thought it unnecessary to dwell upon the circumstances of the year 1688, as there was no analogy between that and the present case. On that occasion a protestant prince was invited by a large party to pass over to these kingdoms, to dethrone a bigotted and tyrannical king, who wished and attempted to overthrow the liberties of the subject both in church and state. He should therefore pass over the reigns of William and Mary and queen Anne, and proceed to the period when the illustrious house of Brunswick mounted the throne of England. Soon after the accession of George 1st, when Great Britain enjoyed profound peace with foreign powers, but when a strong jacobite party existed in this country; when a pretender to the throne likewise existed, and insurrections had commenced in these kingdoms; his majesty informed his parliament on the 20th of July, 1715,

Mr. Wilberforce said, it was with great pleasure he seconded the motion. The evil alluded to was one of considerable magnitude. It was daily felt, and ought therefore to be instantly remedied. This the magistrates were ill able to do; it therefore peculiarly became that House, to institute the inquiry moved for by his learned friend. Magistrates had often been called upon to execute laws, of which they knew nothing, not even their existence. But the truth of this, was no proof of the incapacity or inattention of magistrates. It was a proof only of" that rebellion was actually begun at that growth and accumulation of evils in this case so justly complained of. If great and cultivated talents, if benevolence of nature, if superior ingenuity, could entitle the suggestions of one man morethan those of another to peculiar attention, he was sure his hon. friend would be so distinguished. To form and arrange the means of promulgating the statutes of the realm, he thought his learned friend fully competent.

The motion was agreed to, and a committee appointed.

Debate in the Commons on the Cavalry Bill.] Nov. 2. The report of the Cavalry bill was brought up, and the amendments read. On the question being put, That the said amendments be now read a second time,

General Tarleton observed, that as he conceived thecountry to be arrived at the most critical period of its history, and perhaps of its existence as a free country, as there did not appear to be more than one step to intervene, before we descended from liberty to slavery, he should enter his solemn protest against the system of measures then under consideration. When a menaced invasion was loosely intimated to

The

home, and an invasion threatened from
abroad."* Addresses were directed to
the king, the guards were encamped in
Hyde Park, arrangements were made for
the defence of the coasts-and orders
were given for raising 13 regiments of
dragoons and eight of infantry. The
whole military force of the kingdom at
this period, the new levy included, could
not be estimated at 40,000 men.
death of that despot Louis 14th, which
happened at this period, contributed not
a little to defeat the enterprise of the
Pretender. Again we find, in 1718, his
Catholic majesty warmly espoused the
cause of the Pretender, and an expedition
was fitted out in Spain: the command of
the fleet and army was entrusted to the
duke of Ormond, who sailed from Cadiz,
and proceeded as far as cape Finisterre,
where his fleet was dispersed by a storm.
His majesty communicated to both
Houses the frequent advices he had re-
ceived; they desired him to augment his
forces, which were small, and they would
make good the expense. The next de-
monstration of invasion took place in
1744. Early in that year it was known

See Vol. 7, p. 111.

|

a glorious termination of the threatened invasion. With respect to the demonstration made in the channel by the combined fleets of France and Spain, in 1779, it was unnecessary to trouble the House: one observation he should only make, which was, that the executive power had done well in placing our naval arsenals at Portsmouth and Plymouth in a situation of defence, which raised them above any alarm from a coup de main. Of all the menaced invasions, therefore, that of 1744 seems to have been the most formidable. Let the House look to the situation of the country in 1796. At present there were 100,000 men in arms, and a navy equal to that of any period in the annals of our history. We were in a state of active preparation, and we had the authority of the right hon. gentleman himself that two of the enemy's principal armies were annihilated. With regard to invasion, there were three points on the coast of France from which a descent might be attempted. From Dunkirk to Brest there was no advantage for collecting troops, and the coast was unfavourable. From Brest to the Western coasts the situation was advantageous for an attempt upon Ireland, or against our possessions in the West Indies, but was not calculated for an invasion upon England. From Dunkirk to the Texel there was great convenience for the collecting and embarking of troops, especially since Holland had become the ally of France; but we had seen that instead of pouring troops into this quarter, the troops in Holland, formerly under Bournonville, had been detached to reinforce their dif

in England that a body of French troops had moved for that purpose to the coast most contiguous to England, under the orders of count Saxe. On the 15th of February, George 2nd sent a message to both Houses, intimating the arrival of the Pretender's son in France; the preparations at Dunkirk, and the appearance of a French fleet in the channel. On this occasion, the situation of the country was truly alarming. In a time of profound peace, when the military force, in the kingdom was comparatively very small, the French admiral, supposing himself superior at sea, sailed from Brest up the channel, and anchored off Dungeness, in order to co-operate with the military force distributed along the coast of France. But sir John Norris with the English fleet made him precipitately retire from the coast of England; and history says, "that the coast was so well guarded, that the enterprise could not be prosecuted with any probability of success." Even in 1745 invasion would not have been attempted, if an important dispatch from the Pretender's party in this kingdom had not miscarried; for in that instrument they laid it down as a principle not to be deviated from, that it was necessary a large French army should land in this country, before his adherents should arm or assemble. The consequences of that enterprise need not be detailed, therefore he should direct the attention of the House to the menaces and demonstration of invasion held out in 1756. The threats of the French court, and the movements of their troops towards the coast, were productive of war. No embarkation however took place.-ferent armies. In a former debate upon In 1759, George 2nd sent messages to the two Houses signifying that he had received advices of preparations making by the French court for the invasion of England. The militia was ordered out. But the administration of that day wisely placed their chief dependance on the navy; for they neither drew any of the troops from Germany, nor counteracted the expedition to America-and a grateful posterity surveys with thankful admiration, the battle of Minden and the fall of Quebec. The British navy under the conduct of the gallant Hawke seconded the wise dispositions of the administration, and a severe blow given to the French fleet off their own coast, produced

* See Vol, 13, p. 642.

this subject, it was said that a part of his majesty's European dominions was threatened. At first he had supposed that Corsica was meant, but when he saw in the public papers that war had been declared against us by Spain, that the king of Naples had made peace with France, and that Corsica was abandoned, he concluded that Ireland must be meant, and that the false alarm here was intended to conceal the real alarm there. It would be found better policy, however, to restore to them their rights, and by an equal distribution of the blessings of the constitution to restore to the people confidence in the government. Before any addition was made to the forces of the country, parliament ought to consider the necessity, and to calculate the expense.

Mr. For said:-My utter disapproba- ( tion of this bill has been already expressed. I thought it upon the first view, a bill which hardly any alteration could have made useful. I think it even now, although much labour has been bestowed upon it in the committee, a bill highly inexpedient, extremely difficult to be put into execution; and tending to create great expense, without affording the hope of raising a force that will be available to us should the hour of need arrive. What sort of cavalry will this bill provide? Are they to be trained? I believe there is no provision that will be effectual in that respect. Taking the subject in that view, I would rather trust to the energy of the people in the hour of danger, than raise so inefficient a force as I conceive this will be. Should the hour of real danger arrive, you will, without this law, have much more effectual force to defend you than you can ever hope to have by the enactment of it; for in case of actual necessity you may rely on the courage, the zeal, and the ardour of the mass of the people of this country. But, by the present measure, you will not have any force that will in any considerable degree be available to the public. An invasion, if made, must be made either for diversion in one place, to conceal intentions of attacking seriously in another, or seriously for the purpose of throwing this country into confusion. Neither of which purposes can be forwarded or delayed by such a bill as this. I see before me, a choice of two things; either to adopt that which will produce great confusion and perplexity without providing security for the danger, or to rely on that which, I have no doubt, will repel the danger without previous inconvenience or expense. I therefore cannot hesitate to declare, that rather than adopt a bill which to its declared object is inadequate-I would rely on the courage and magnanimity of the people when the danger shall arrive. I have at different periods of my life formed different opinions from different circumstances, as to the danger of an invasion of this country. In 1779, there were few persons more apprehensive than myself of the probability of that event: In 1796, few indeed less apprehensive of that danger. If the moment should arrive, which God avert! when France should become superior in naval force to this country, so as to be able to command the channel, then, in$

deed, a man of the strongest mind and nerves may be apprehensive of an invasion. If the French should obtain a footing in this island, and have from thence a communication with the continent, then indeed, we should be in danger: even then, I trust, they could not dismay us. But while we are superior at sea, I will not say an invasion is wholly impracticable; although I confess I see but little danger of it, should the enemy choose to risk it. They may, by taking advantage of the direction in which the wind may blow, land considerable forces in this island; but I consider them as not likely to make such a rash attempt, for they must look upon the whole of an army dispatched upon such an expedition, as a force to be entirely sacrificed. Under such circumstances certainly they would never return; and therefore, I think, that under such circumstances they will never be sent. I say, therefore, that an invasion of this country by the French is not a probable event. I am not one of those who wish them to land merely for the purpose of their meeting, what I am sure they would meet, total destruction. I do not wish the valour of the people of England to be shown upon such an occasion. An invasion, whatever its event, must always be regarded as a serious evil; but great as such an evil would be to Great Britain at this moment, were I compelled to take my choice between that evil, and a continuance of the present war for two years, I would, as the friend of the real interests of this country, prefer an invasion as the lesser calamity of the two. I say this of a real invasion; but if there is no probability of that event, look at the situation into which this country may be brought, by acting as if every threat of invasion was to be followed up by its reality. You will expend millions after millions, in preparing against threats which were never intended to be executed; and should your enemy discover this to be your disposition, they may complete your ruin without any loss or danger to themselves. I would therefore advise you to make a judicious disposal of the force which you possess already; which would be much more likely to be beneficial than any thing which this bill can produce. I am laying it down as a thing not disputed, that an invasion would call forth all the energy, all the zeal, and all the real power of the nation, and therefore it is that I do not fear the danger of invasion.