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amounting to 110,000l. The whole of these duties from the customs will amount to 466,000l. On houses I propose to levy a tax in proportion to the other assessed taxes. The number of servants, for instance, kept in a house, will in general correspond with the style of living and fortunes of the inhabitants. The sum arising from a tax levied in this way, I calculate will amount to 150,000l., and this with an addition to the assessed taxes, I take at 290,000l. From the increased facility with which letters are transmitted to a distance, and the great convenience afforded to correspondence in consequence of recent improvements, something may fairly be added to the present rate of postage. I am of opinion that it will be a more equitable mode to charge by miles than by stages. I also propose to adopt a new regulation with respect to gradations, and with respect to the bye and cross roads. These regulations, with an additional penny to be paid on each letter, will amount to about 250,000l. An additional duty on stage coaches will produce 60,000l. The conveyance of parcels by stage coaches and other vehicles, I propose to subject to a small stamp duty on booking them, which will afford additional security to the conveyance, and I estimate will produce 60,000l. On the conveyance by inland navigation, I propose to make a small addition to the tolls already charged, which I calculate will produce 120,000l. Total amount of new taxes 2,138,000l. Amount of the annuity to be raised 2,110,000l. Making an excess of taxes of 28,000l.

Such are the sources from which I propose to draw the necessary sums to provide for the interest of the enormous expense of the year. In looking at the resources of the country, we have a right to have confidence in the full production of these duties. The permanent revenue for the year, ending 10th October 1796, amounted to 14,012,000. The average produce of those duties for the last three years, was 13,855,000l. On the side of supply, I have taken but three millions to meet the farther extraordinaries for the year 1797, though the extraordinaries for the last year amounted to a much larger sum. Many articles of charge in 1796 will not recur in 1797, and several sums advanced are likely to be repaid.

Another expense of a particular nature has been incurred in the interval of parliament. I allude to the assistance granted

to the Emperor, in order to enable him to carry on his military operations. I am persuaded no man will be of opinion that we ought to have withheld from a brave and faithful ally, the assistance necessary to preserve his independence. That assistance ministers thought proper to grant, not ignorant of the responsibility which they thereby incurred, not forgetting their own duty, nor fearful of the event. They reflected, that in the critical situation of the country it might have been matter of extreme delicacy to have brought forward a public discussion on the propriety of advancing a sum to a foreign court; they were aware of the alarm which might have been excited by any proposition to send a quantity of specie out of the country. It is well known, that a generally received opinion of the mischief which may be attendant on a measure is often productive of the reality. The consequence of discussion might have been to have suggested the grant of a sum too small for the wants of our ally, or too large for the means of the country. On that account ministers declined taking the opinion of parliament. They did not so far yield to their desire of aiding the Emperor, as to step beyond the bounds of prudence, nor did they so tamely shrink from their own responsibility, as to withhold that assistance which they deemed to be essentially important. A sum of about 1,200,000l. has been allotted to his imperial majesty. A future opportunity will be afforded for the discussion of this particular topic. I am convinced that to have withheld the assistance which has been granted would have been to have sacrificed the best hope of this country for bringing the contest to a fortunate issue. It is my intention, if this conduct is found to merit your approbation, humbly and earnestly to claim and solicit your confidence in continuing the same system. I cannot, for the reasons I have already mentioned, propose any specific sum to be granted to his imperial majesty. But, if you think proper to repose in ministers the same confidence in granting such occasional aid as they may see to be necessary, it shall, on their part, be exercised with the same caution. I have therefore proposed a sum of three millions, chiefly with a view of enabling ministers to make advances to our allies, if we shall be compelled to persevere in the war. At the same time, we are not to consider such sums as lost to the coun

try. We have seen too many of those qualities, the inherent companions of good faith and honour, displayed in the recent exertions of his imperial majesty to entertain any suspicions with respect to his conduct. And we may confidently hope for the happiest result in the present contest from his courage and perseverance, fed by our resources and supported by our constancy. On this ground I proposed

the vote of three millions.

The amount of the navy debt up to the 30th Nov. is 15,171,000l., to which add, as the probable sum to the 31st Dec. 1796 1,000,000l.; add to this, the sum of navy debt first funded 4,414,000l., and the amount of the navy debt on the 31st Dec. 1796, will be in all 20,595,000l. On the 31st Dec. 1795, it amounted to 12,362,000l., so that the debt incurred in 1796 is 8,223,000l., I foresaw and provided for 4,000,000l.; it has therefore exceeded my estimate by 4,223,000l.; and it is my duty to explain how this excess has happened. In the first place, the expense of transports exceeded what I had imagined, by no less a sum than 1,300,000l. The expense of foreign transports, demurrage, &c. has amounted to 900,000l. Another head of unforeseen expense was the unprecedented discount to which the navy bills fell, and which operated so injuriously upon commerce and on public circulation. On this head of discount there has been paid 600,000l. Thus, therefore, the committee will see that in three articles only, which it was impossible to anticipate, there has been expended nearly 3,000,000l.; and when they take into their farther consideration the circumstances of our having a new maritime enemy to encounter, and also a threatened invasion to repel, the sum of 4,200,000l. above my calculation will not appear a very remarkable error. The practical use that we must draw from the fact certainly is, not to avoid all estimates, but to make our estimates with as much correctness as possible, and at the same time to claim a large, though discreet, indulgence for unforeseen circumstances.

In stating these estimates, I have endeavoured to bring forward to the view of the committee all the information which they can possibly desire on the subject. It is matter of much congratulation, under the accumulated difficulties arising from a contest, as unexampled in its exertions as in the importance of its object, that we have been able to meet the exigency

of the crisis, and to provide ample resources for every branch of the public service. If after four years of war, not only the permanent revenue is not affected, but even the new taxes are found to be fully productive, if the state of internal industry and domestic improvement exhibits a picture of prosperity, which would amaze incredulity if it did not address itself to observation, we have surely great and solid ground of satisfaction. It is with infinite pleasure I am enabled to state, that the receipts of the last quarter fully confirm the symptoms of our growing prosperity; and if those of the other quarters increase in the same proportion, the exports for the year will amount to thirty millions. This flourishing state of our affairs ought not to lessen our moderation, or abate our desire for peace. But that peace is not worthy of the name which is not calculated to afford internal and external security, to preserve to us the blessings of our constitution, to protect the operations of our industry, and to maintain the dignity of the British character among foreign nations.-Mr. Pitt concluded with moving, "That towards raising the Supply granted to his Majesty, the sum of 18 millions be raised by annuities:"

Mr. Grey said, much as he admired the eloquence with which the right hon. gentleman had adorned the false and deceitful statements he had made, he should be sorry if it could so far blind the House to the duty they owed their constituents, as to induce them to lay on the burthens that were proposed without inquiring how the expense was incurred, and adopting measures by which the extravagance which prevailed in the public expenditure might in future be checked. That night the right hon. gentleman had introduced topics somewhat different from those upon which he had usually insisted. He had now thought proper to adopt, as the criterion of national prosperity, an account of the exports and imports, and upon this proof he had rested the triumphant conclusions he had deduced. Last year this standard had never been mentioned; it was the facility of raising money, it was the low rate of interest at which a loan could be negociated, upon which he had placed the proofs of the flourishing state of our finances. Now, he had not said a word of the plenty of money, or of the low rate of interest. Indeed, with what decency could he have held that language,

when he had it in contemplation to adopt that expedient, against which he had so often declaimed-a forced loan; and when this threat was actually contained in a letter from the right hon. gentleman to the governor of the bank, in order to accelerate the raising of the supplies for the present year. But now, it seemed, it was from a comparison of the imports and ex ports that the extent of our prosperity was to be determined. He had occasion, however, to examine the account alluded to, and he had been told in that House, that the exports and imports did by no means ascertain the real state of our commerce, or support the conclusion of our prosperity. The very account showed, that any inference founded upon it was erroneous. Thirty millions appeared to be the amount of our exports, of which one-fifth was coffee. This was the important document, then, upon which we were to be amused, with lofty statements of our increasing wealth and unimpaired resources! While six millions were stated as the amount of the export of coffee, only two or three were stated as the amount of the imports; and yet, upon such a paper as this, was the true situation of the country to be ascertained! The sum required for the service of the present year was 27,640,000l. Here, however, he must complain of the practice of bringing forward the ways and means before the House could be acquainted with the amount of the expenses of the preceding year. Such a practice was highly unconstitutional: for it prevented the House from exercising its powers of control, and enforcing that economy which it was bound to exercise. He maintained, that every thing of which any estimate could be formed, ought to be included in the statement of the expense of the year, and properly provided for. That so much of the expenditure consisted of sums over which parliament had exercised no control, was a point of serious importance. If they retained any regard for the functions with which they were invested, and that economy which the situation of affairs so much required, the House would adopt some effectual plan to check the extravagance which was practised, and that neglect of their control which marked the public expenditure.

Mr. Fox said:-Notwithstanding the evidence which has been brought forward by my hon. friend, to prove the errone[VOL. XXXII.]

ous manner in which the chancellor of the exchequer has treated the subject of this evening's consideration, I should not be satisfied that I had performed my duty were I to pass over this day without expressing some of those feelings which have been excited by hearing one of the falsest statements of finance that ever was brought forward; calculated merely to delude the people of this country, and accompanied with some political observations which are a libel upon the constitution-observations that I would sooner die than avow; for if the principles conveyed by them are true, the end to which they lead must be, the downfall of this House and all its privileges, and the esta blishment of a dictator upon its ruins, I shall first, however, make some observations on what has fallen from the right hon. gentleman, relative to the subject of finance. It has ever been his boast, that in opening his budget, he has always come forward with plain and candid statements of the full extent of the charges to be made for the current service of the year. Upon more occasions than one, I allow this to be the case; but as to the business of this day, is there in the whole country so miserable a dupe, as to say that a fair statement has this evening been laid before us? It is unnecessary for me to enter into minute details. I wish to call the attention of the committee to principles. By the Consolidation act (27 Geo. 3rd, c. 13, s. 72) it is provided, that a paper shall be laid upon the table of this House, with an account of the annual charges of the public debt, together with the produce of the duties imposed, or of any addition that shall be made to the revenue for the purpose of defraying the increased charges. Now it appears, that since the commencement of the war, the increased charges amount to upwards of four millions, and that taking the amount of taxes, after making allowance for the Spanish armament, the stoppage of the distilleries, and other necessary admissions, there is a deficiency in the provision made for these charges, to the amount of 80,000l., but this does not appear in the paper officially laid before the House. But we are told, that "were it worth while," all this could be explained in a most satisfactory man

ner.

What does the right hon. gentleman mean? Will he dare to lay claim to the character of a fair and candid minister by barely telling us "what signifies what is [ 4 M ]

American war proved an exception. It may likewise be added, that such a proof of the flourishing state of the resources of the country was never brought forward by Mr. Pelham, lord Chatham, and other ministers, when placed in a similar situation in the wars to which I have alluded.-I must now beg leave to make a comparative statement of what must be the peace establishment at the end of this war. To do this, I take the average of the additional charges for the five last years, and add about 500,000l. more, which, altogether, will amount to about four millions. This day we are called upon to vote about 2,200,000l., yet enormous as this sum is, if the House will attend to the real statement of facts, they will find that above one million more is still actually necessary. If this be true, what shall we say of the "fair statement" of the right hon. gentleman ?-Mr. Fox entered next into an examination of the terms of the loan. After which he came to the vote of credit, on which he said, the minister had spoken out plainly and candidly. He had said he had given to the emperor, without the consent of parliament, 1,200,000l., and that he is to continue to do it, if he shall think it ne

the actual produce, my calculations are perfectly accurate, and that is sufficient." It may, and, indeed, it has been said, that, in stating this deficiency, many of the taxes have been taken only for part of the year, and some of them have not commenced. This, however, is not the case. I take them from the 5th of July 1795, to the 5th of July 1796; but let them, if you please, be taken from the 10th of October, and the conclusion will be found to be the same. But the right hon. gentle man farther says, that a deficiency may actually take place during the years of war, but that on the return of peace, and by the assistance of additional regulations, ample compensation may be made. If this be the mode of reasoning to be adopted, what is the use of this boasted paper of accounts? It is a mere form, a shadow. Let the deficiency be what it will, 80,000%. or one million, let the usual accounts be made up to satisfy the words of the statute, and let us leave the real deficiency to be afterwards provided for the best way we can, or by some peace regulations. What is this, sir, but flying from duty, and turning the business of finance into insult and mockery? Such conduct, too, comes with a peculiarly ill grace from that right hon. gentleman.cessary. Did the minister mean to say His inconsistencies upon the present occasion it is impossible to enumerate. I remember well, upon the subject of spirits, he was formerly of opinion, that the duty would be too great; but now it is impossible to raise it sufficiently high: and with the most astonishing facility of argument, both war and peace are to tend equally to render it productive. The right hon. gentleman told us, in something of a commanding manner, that the exports of the present year would amount to 30 millions. The country, indeed, stands in need of some comfort; but if this increase of exports and imports be a source of consolation, as far as it goes, it has not been wanting at any period, except during some part of the American war. During the war under the conduct of sir Robert Walpole, and also during the seven years war, this in crease was equally observable. I am not a person inclined to erect theories, but rather to oppose them if not confirmed by some sort of experience; but I have no doubt there are many persons who can give satisfactory reasons why exports and imports should increase in the time of war, generally speaking, and why the

he intended to give it to him, but that he thought his own authority for that purpose was sufficient; that it was superfluous to submit such a subject to parliament; that he could issue the money of his own authority? Perhaps he did. It was of a piece with his advice to his majesty in 1784, to continue him as his minister against the declared opinion of the House of Commons. But now he had gone one step farther, for he had shown to the people, that he was a better judge than the parliament, to whom their money, and how much of it, should be given to any foreign prince. If (said Mr. Fox) these are the sentiments to be acted upon in this country; if the minister is to be permitted to carry them into effect, I declare for myself, that the constitution of this country is not worth fighting for. I wish to know on what principle it is, that the minister takes this power upon himself, rather than refer it to the Commons of Great Britain, to whom, and to whom only, it constitutionally belongs. If he directs the application of the money of the people thus, upon foreign_affairs, without the consent of parliament, I see no reason why he should not claim the same

the people. The minister says, that we should feel the utmost confidence in lending our money to the Emperor, because we have seen in him those heroic qualities which usually accompany good faith. Now, supposing heroism to be a good criterion of good faith in pecuniary concerns, I should like to try the effect of this mode of reasoning. Suppose, for a moment, that we were in a state of neutrality with regard to the French republic, and it was proposed that we should lend money to the French, would the minister say we should lend them money? Certainly he would not; and, yet, if good faith in pecuniary engagements is to be measured by heroic qualities, there are none to whom we should be more ready to lend our money; for of their valour they have given abundant

power (as I dare say he will if he suc ceeds in this) over the whole of our domestic concerns. I am sure the reason he gives for the one, will just as well apply to the other. He says that parliament could not calculate so well as he could upon the necessity and upon the amount. That may be said as correctly of our domestic as of foreign affairs. Until this instance occurred, the minister thought it decent to apply to parliament, and to give you an estimate of what you are to provide for; but now he tells you that he did not think it necessary to consult you, because you are not judges of the extent of it. Did he consult you on the principle of it? He certainly did not. He suffered the last parliament to be dissolved; he suffered you all to meet your constituents, with an assurance (I do not say his positive and declared assur-proofs.-Mr. Fox then proceeded to state ance, but by his silence he gave you an implied assurance), that no money was to be advanced to the Emperor in the interval of the dissolution. On the 27th of September you met. Did he give you any intimation of his having advanced this money before this very night, when he comes before you with his fresh burdens on the people? Not a word! For this conduct, I say, he ought to be impeached. He has had it in his power to consult you upon this subject long ago, as it was his duty. He has neglected to do so, by which he has manifested a determination to dispose of the money of the people of this country, without consulting their representatives. This is aggravated by his not calling parliament together sooner. If he had advanced the money before you met, why did he not tell you so? What reason can be assigned for this? In the name of God, what can be said but that the minister thinks his judgment better than the judgment of the representatives of the people of Great Britain? He has said much upon the time at which this money was advanced. If he had any intention of advancing this money before the dissolution, why did he not state that intention to the last parliament? Or, if he found out the necessity of it since the dissolution, might he not have said so to the present parliament long ago? But he has acted merely on his own authority, for the purpose of establishing the principle, that ministers are better judges of the manner in which the public money is to be applied, than the representatives of

the situation of the Emperor and the French at this moment, in which he maintained that, with all the success of the Austrians in the latter part of the present campaign, another could not be opened under circumstances of more advantage to the Emperor, than those in which he had been placed at the commencement of the last. He here took notice of the recent successes of the French in Italy, and by way of answering the praises that were bestowed on the good qualities of the house of Austria, he instanced the cruelties that had been exercised on the unfortunate M. de la Fayette, which, he said, excited horror all over Europe.The minister had that night omitted the brilliant comparison which he had often made between the English and the French finances. The French had been stated, week after week, and month after month, to be not on the verge but in the gulph of bankruptcy. He did not know, whether the French had passed the gulph of bankruptcy. He hoped they had, for while they were in it, they were most dreadful enemies to this country. Year after year, had the minister calculated upon the events of the war, and year after year the public had been misled by his calculations. At one time he was sure the navy debt would only be a million and a half; after that he calculated the same debt at four millions, then at six or seven millions, and now it was stated to be above eight millions. What security had the House that the minister would not miscalculate in future? By his miscalculations he had added to

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