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revolutions in France and elsewhere. How could gentlemen tell, then, that the conduct of the Emperor might not be dictated by a wise and prudent policy, to keep this man fast, and prevent his committing new horrors? It was curious too, that though there were two more persons in the same gaol with Fayette, he alone was mentioned with distinguished praise

he alone was the theme of condolence, by those persons who made the war the eternal burden of their song, but who never felt for the many thousands of unhappy victims which that war had made, and of which war the authors of the revolution must be considered as the true authors. He again repeated, that the most just vengeance was due chiefly to those, who, abounding in all good things, and filled with spleen and impatience drawn from the excessive enjoyments of life, with no haste to privation of their own comforts, with not one bit of nun's flesh about them, would, for their own vile purposes, sport with the happiness of mankind, and play the deep and damnable game of ambition. He would not be surry-indeed he should rejoice,—to see such men drink deep of the cup of calamity which they had prepared for the lips of others. On the whole, this was not a question of sentiment, but of prudence, policy, and general morality. If there were any grounds separate from those mentioned to sanction interference, he had no objection to interference being attempted; but he never would consent, nor would the House, he hoped, in the absence of other reasons, consent to do an act which would put a premium on revolution, give the sanction of example to treason, and of reward to rebellion.

France. They, however, thought more of that one man in the prison of Olmutz. There was, indeed, something capricious and fanciful in their taste in objects of humanity. But of this it might be said, as of taste in other respects, de gustibus non disputandum. Gentlemen boasted pretty largely of humanity and feeling, at the expense of others. Nothing was more mean or dishonest, than to endeavour to catch at reputation by a display of virtue at other persons cost; to be courageous with other men's valour; to be generous with other men's money; to be charitable and magnanimous at the expense of the feelings of others. Thus displayed, instead of virtues they were vices. Dean Swift says, "that all men can bear the misfortunes of others with Christian like spirit." So these gentlemen opposite were very liberal in forgiving injuries done to Austria and the queen of France. The merit of this, however, was not very striking. He had no hesitation in saying, that he felt very little consideration for the beginners of revolutions. M. de la Fayette had been the first to attack the ancient monarchy of France; and though he stopped short when he found that his own mischievous principles were turning against his views, though he had no objection to continuing the king upon his throne, provided that he might be viceroy over him, yet he could not feel for a man who was the author of a conflict that led to such horrors. Well or ill intentioned, he had been the author of the attack on the ancient system, which led to all these massacres; and he should ever hold out as objects of marked reprobation and of punishment, the beginners of revolutions. The mass who might follow them, the lower ranks of society, who, from various causes, might partake in the violence, were easy to be forgiven; but men of rank, who from motives of ambition, originated revolutions of established governments in any country, were justly to be regarded with horror, and true humanity must be eager for their punishment. Besides, how could they enter into all the views of the Emperor? There might be political motives mixed with the measure, of which they could not judge. It was well known that there were persons, both in France and out of it, who were anxious to exalt Fayette as the grand champion of liberty, that they might be able to cabal with him, to raise a new standard, and to bring about new +

Mr. Fox said, that the right hon. gentleman had shewn himself to be counsel against M. de la Fayette, and, like an advocate, had endeavoured to search through all his life for accusations against him.

In this course, however, he had brought some heavy charges indeed upon the Emperor. According to the right hon. gentleman, no hypocrisy could be more glaring than that of the Emperor, for the declarations which he had made were not the true motives of his conduct. Fayette was said to be detained on account of the particular enmity which the late queen of France bore towards him. It so happened, however, that two more persons were confined with him, who were not hateful to the queen, one of whom was

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country! Those who came after the beginners, and who might tarnish the cause of liberty by their excesses, were to be pardoned, but not the first beginners! According to this new doctrine, our great ancestors, to whom we have been accustomed to pay almost divine honours for the glorious services they have rendered to man, were men to be execrated and abhorred. Cromwell was a man to be excused by the right hon. gentleman, be cause he found things prepared, and only took advantage of circumstances; but Hampden, Pym, lord Falkland, the earl of Bedford, and all the illustrious men whom we have been accustomed to reverence, as having not merely rescued their country from intolerable evils, but pursued in their reforms the principle of the most generous humanity and the most disinterested moderation, were objects of eternal execration. Hume was, he thought, severe enough upon Hampden, when he said, that he probably died at the favourable moment for his fame, since, if he had lived, he might perhaps have betrayed principles of violent ambition. this was nothing to the argument of the right hon. gentleman, since the men who blackened the cause of liberty by their crimes were virtuous in comparison of those who desired only to rescue their country from tyranny, corruption, and abuse. Such was the whole jet of his argument. Collot d'Herbois, according to him, was no object of royal persecution equal to La Fayette; for Collot was a monster whose crimes would defile the cause. Liberty so tarnished could never be attractive, nor recommend itself by the purity and benevolence of its principles. It is not therefore the Collots that they hate, but the Fayettes, who, by the unsullied patriotism of their motives, and the undeviating rectitude of their conduct, prove that true liberty is the parent and companion of all the milder virtues of the heart. Mr. Fox said, he scorned to allude to any private transactions, but he believed it was well known that the right hon. gentleman was an admirer of the French revolution in its first stages: he now, however, arguing from the violences with which its course had been tarnished, condemned the very principle of the reform of all abuses, and was for perpetuating the misery of the human race. Mr. Fox then showed that La Fayette and his friends were distinguished for their moderation: they had sacrificed

known to be particularly attached to the interests of the royal family. But if this were really the cause of their treatment, how came it that others, who had been even active in voting the king's death, should have been relieved by the Emperor? Why but that they had the formidable republic of France for their friends, and that Fayette and his companions were unprotected, and had no powerful friend to stand up for them. The right hon. gentleman had discovered also, that it might be owing to policy. The Emperor might dread that La Fayette would enter into a cabal for bringing about a new revolution in France. So that the right hon. gentleman was, in truth, become the ally of the French Republic; he was negotiating for the Directory; he was anxious to save them from the peril of new conspiracies and new machinations. The right hon. gentleman charged the opposition with not commiserating the other victims of the revolution -the emigrant nobles, and other persons who crowded our streets. Mr. Fox said, he could not name a single occasion when they had failed to treat the misfortunes of those persons with commiseration; though, undoubtedly, they had not manifested it in the same way as the ministers of this country. They had not sent them to perish at Quiberon, nor seduced them by promises which were never fulfilled, into situations where no gallantry could save them from the danger to which they were exposed; nor had they refused, even to their memories, the performance of their dying request, in justifying their honour from the disgrace of having advised an enterprise so frantic. But, good God, what sentiments and what doctrines had they not heard that night! What arguments had not the right hon. gentleman advanced! Well or ill intentioned, Fayette ought not to be pardoned, because he was the beginner of the French revolution: he was not to be pardoned, because thousands bad fallen through his means! If he was not to be pardoned because thousands had fallen by his means, what must become of the right hon. gentleman himself, and of the minister of England, who had caused rivers of blood to flow by their wild and horrid enterprises? But the beginners of revolutions were the persons to be punished, however moderate and honourable in their views: however patriotic in their conduct; and whatever benefits they may have rendered to their

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their popularity to this principle: it was well known that, after the 10th of October, the chief command of the armies of the republic was offered to Fayette. Now, if he had accepted of that offer; if he had shared in all the violences that followed; he might at this day have been one of the Directory; and the right hon. secretary, instead of pursuing the unhappy The King's Message respecting tempoprisoner with vengeance, might be im-rary Advances to the Emperor.] Dec. 17. ploring the powerful director, by an am- Mr. Pitt presented the following Message bassador at Paris, to grant peace to Eng- from his Majesty: land.

Mr. Dundas thanked Mr. Windham for his very powerful speech, which had corrected all the false and delusive notions which had been sported that night. The gentlemen opposite had adopted the amendment of his hon. friend in the hope of collecting all the straggling humanity of the House. He turned round to Mr. Wilberforce, and, in a vein of ironical compliment, appealed to his understanding against the officious character of his humanity. Every one knew how his hon. friend bustled in the cause of charity, how every tale of woe was addressed to him; no misfortune could happen, but his heart must bleed; no sorrow be felt, but his bosom must be wrung! But why could he not feel in secret? Why could he not do good, "and blush to find it fame?" Why must the House of Commons be made a party to the heroics of his humanity? Why must they be made the instrument of his good works? In his mind the House had no business to interfere. They would thereby put his majesty into a very awkward predicament. An address of the House of Commons was a grave and solemn thing. In the present instance, the application to the Emperor might be attended with a refusal, for reasons which it might not be possible to disclose, and then what would be the alternative? Besides, the motion might lay an imputation on the character of the Emperor, and make it appear in Germany, as if he was not supported and beloved in Great Britain, at a time when he had put his empire at stake. The Emperor also, who was our most active and zealous ally, might, from such an address, suppose himself an object of distrust in this country.

The question being put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the question," it passed in the negative. The question, as amended, being then put, the House divided:

So it passed in the negative.

"George R.

"His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint the House of Commons, that he is at present engaged in concerting measures with his allies, in order to be fully prepared for the vigorous and effectual prosecution of the war, if the failure of his majesty's earnest endeavours to effect a general peace, on secure and honourable terms, should unfortunately render another campaign unavoidable: and his majesty will not fail to take the first opportunity to communicate the result of these discussions to the House. In the interval, his majesty conceives that it may be of the greatest importance to the common cause, that his majesty should be enabled to continue such temporary advances for the service of the Emperor, as may be indispensably necessary, with a view to military operations being prosecuted with vigour and effect at an early period; and his majesty recommends it to the House, to consider of making such provision as may appear to them to be most expedient for this purpose.

G. R."

Debate in the Commons on the King's Message respecting temporary Advances to the Emperor.] Dec. 19. The order of the day for taking his Majesty's Message into consideration being read,

Mr. Pitt said, he had stated to the House, upon a former occasion, that it would very probably be necessary to furnish the Emperor with some farther pecuniary assistance, to enable him to prosecute the war with vigour and effect; the amount of which he had comprised in the sum of three millions. Some advances to the Emperor, the House was apprized, had already been made out of the provision for the extraordinaries; and his majesty now thought proper to acquaint the House that he was at present engaged in concerting measures with his allies, in order to be fully prepared for either alternative, a vigorous prosecution

of the war, or a secure and honourable peace. In the mean time, however, his majesty conceived it to be of the greatest importance to the common cause, that he should be enabled to continue such temporary advances for the service of the Emperor as might be indispensably necessary for either event. It was his intention, therefore, to move an address of thanks to his majesty for his most gracious message, and afterwards in a committee of supply, to vote that a sum not exceed500,000l. should be granted to his majesty for the assistance of his ally the Emperor; and that such temporary advances should be made as his majesty's ministers should think fit. He concluded by moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of this House for his most gracious Message to assure his majesty that this House will, immediately, enter into the consideration of such measures as may appear to them to be most expedient for enabling his majesty to continue such temporary advances to the Emperor, as as may (if the failure of his majesty's earnest endeavours to effect a general peace, on secure and honourable terms, should unfortunately render another campaign unavoidable) be necessary, with a view to the prosecution of military operations with vigour and effect at an early period."

Sir W. Pulteney disapproved of the mode by which it was proposed to give the aid to the Emperor, and likewise of the words in which the address was couched. They seemed intended to whitewash the conduct of the right hon. gentleman, and to imply that no censure had been expressed against the manner in which advances to the Emperor had already been made, though there certainly was conveyed in the amendment which passed on a former night, a disapprobation of his conduct, and he was sure it would be considered as such for a hundred years to come. The words of the address implied, that the mode formerly adopted was to be followed. He could not however but disapprove of that mode. The right hon. gentleman had defended himself on a former night chiefly in a commercial view; but the argument he then supported was refuted by an account upon the table. Last year a very favourable loan had been made, and a person who had been disappointed in obtaining the contract, Mr.

Morgan, stated that he never calculated upon a loan of three millions to the Emperor, because he conceived it impossible to be carried into effect. On a former night, an hon. bank director had told the House, that a deputation from the bank had informed the minister, that such a measure would be highly injurious to the commercial interests of the country. It was well known what was the true meaning of an advice from a powerful body, however mild the terms in which it was conveyed. From comparing the different rates of discounts of navy bills at the time when the right hon. gentleman had yielded to the idea that it was impossible to remit a loan publicly to the Emperor, it appeared that the discount then was lower than it had been since the navy bills were funded; a measure from which so much advange was expected by the right hon. gentleman. From the mode which had been adopted, the Emperor could not know the extent of the assistance he was to receive, nor in this way could it have the proper effect upon his exertions. There were several causes which had produced the embarrassment that then prevailed. The bank had altered their mode of accommodation in the way of discounts, and had thus taken their revenge on the country for the measure of the right hon. gentleman, of clandestinely remitting sums to the Emperor. The right hon. gentleman seemed desirous to have the Emperor in his power, that he might influence him in the negotiations for peace. The proper way was fairly to come forward with a specific loan. The Emperor did not ask a subsidy; he disdained it. It was by a vote of parliament for the purpose that it should be done. The exertions of the Emperor had saved Europe and this country; for the French would certainly have attempted an invasion, had they succeeded against Austria. The first objection the right hon. gentleman had intimated, as to a loan to the Emperor, was after he had received a hint from the bank, that it would drain the country of its specie. Hints coming from certain quarters sometimes operated as commands. The bank directors tell the minister, there must not be a loan, and it is instantly given up. He could not understand what business they could have to interfere in a measure, in which, the most important interests of Europe might be involved. If a loan was necessary for the Emperor, it certainly ought

to be granted him, in spite of what the bank directors might say against it. It ought also to be to such an amount as would render him effectual assistance, and enable him, if peace could not be obtained on secure and honourable terms, to carry on the war in the most advantageous manner. He had no idea of the assistance to be afforded to the Emperor being put into the hands of ministers to be meted out to him in such scanty portions as to them might seem proper, and not as the urgency of his affairs might absolutely require. For these reasons, he would move to leave out from the word "expedient" to the end of the question.

Mr. Samuel Thornton said, that the bank had opposed the remittance of money from this kingdom, because the directors conceived that such a measure was not, at the time at which it was proposed, well suited to the pecuniary circumstances of the country. But this opinion had not taken its rise in their minds from any regard to the discount of navy bills: it was founded on two points-the course of exchange with Hamburgh, and the price which bullion bore in the market.

Mr. Nicholls thought this the commencement of a plan to send more money out of the country. He wished, before such a measure was adopted, that the bank directors should be called to the bar of the House, and examined on the subject. Our coin had diminished, and the sending of treasure out of the country was, in his mind, perilous, whether the sum remitted was made up in money, in bullion, or in goods. The 500,000l. now proposed to be sent to the Emperor, was but the beginning of a system; two months hence a similar measure might be pursued ; and, as a certain sum of money was indispensably requisite to the circulation of the paper of the country, the state of the coin should be well ascertained before this was agreed to. If it could be adopted without occasioning any stagnation of public currency, he should not resist it. He had been assured by a banker of considerable reputation, that 2 per cent was paid by bankers for the exchange of gold into silver. What was the cause of this, and how it was connected with the question under discussion, he did not know; but of the fact, he had no doubt.

Mr. Dent thought that strong language had been used against the bank without

any solid cause; for in all his transactions with that company, he had experienced the utmost civility. In regard to what they ought to do respecting the extent of their discounts, they were themselves the best judges. The House had no right to inquire into their arrangements; especially when such inquiries might tend to injure public credit. He considered the act of William, which limited the number of partners in any firm to six, as a measure taken to support that institution; and therefore that any competition with it would be in violation of that act. This showed how much its credit was the object of the attention of government; and as that credit was never greater than when they went hand in hand, he thought the directors would not offer any opposition to a necessary measure of government. Admitting that the plan of competition with the bank, which he understood was in agitation, should take place, he felt no hesitation in asserting, that the one would continue to enjoy that share of public confidence which its punctualitity had always merited, while the other would be nothing but a bank in air.

Mr. Fox said, it was now a fact not disputed, that a large sum of money had been sent to the Emperor during the sitting of parliament, and no intimation of that event had been given to the House. The sum which was now suggested was, with him, a trifling consideration, when compared with the danger of the principle on which it was proposed to be voted, and the practice which the minister might follow it up with; since, after this vote, he might send money to the Emperor without the consent of parliament, in the same way as he had done already. Suppose the House granted the sum of 500,000l. as now proposed; and suppose also, that the House should express itself in the clearest manner as to the mode in which this money was to be applied. What then? The minister would, in the mean. time, advance as much more money to the Emperor as he should think fit; or, if he should think fit, he would withhold any part, or the whole of it. The House might express themselves in their address to his majesty as correctly as they pleas ed; they might limit the application of the money in what way they pleased; the minister would afterwards apply the money. as he should think fit; he would afterwards, whenever he condescended to address parliament on the subject, tell

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