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[186 precious metals in exchange for the expor- said, that the king's ministers were not tation of those productions it had raised sincere in their professions of a desire for from its own soil, after leaving at home peace. He said he was willing to submit sufficient for its necessary consumption; to the imputation of insincerity; to any and after procuring all the other articles imputation, however harsh, rather than to of consumption, which its own soil did sue for a peace that must inevitably bring not produce. The eternal law of things disgrace on the country. If peace with proved that this was the only mode of the present government of France should procuring the precious metals. Now their be the termination of the business, he commerce was ruined. Their loss by the should regret that the efforts and resourdestruction of the commerce of their co- ces of the principal nations of Europe, lonies, of the Levant, and the loss of their contending against a country in a tempointernal manufactures, particularly those rary delirium, and exposing others to of Lyons, had been estimated at many destruction, had not been more vigorously millions sterling.-He was ready to admit and effectually employed, for the purpose their successes on the Rhine. At first view, of restoring social order, exiled law, moit appeared impossible they could have rality and religion. But being under the faced the Austrian army which was so for- necessity of submitting to those things midable in that quarter. The expedition which he could not control, he was disto Quiberon bay, and the hard fate of the posed to look with gratitude to the many unfortunate emigrants who were fighting favourable circumstances which then exfor their lawful monarch, must be consi- isted. If we were but true to ourselves, dered by us as a calamity, independent of much might yet be done for the honour its effects. Every man's personal feelings and security of the country. Much had were interested in that event. He would been done to destroy those destructive admit that the enemy had been only kept principles that had so long prevailed in on the defensive on the side of Italy; but France, and laid waste that fine country. if the House would look at the enemy dur- The resources of a brave and free people. ing the course of the present campaign. living under a mild and well-regulated they would clearly see, that though their government, and supported by individual successes had been great and many, the industry, were infinite. They had enabled internal situation of France was most de- us to defray the heavy expenses of the plorable.-Taking, therefore, into the ac- war in which we were engaged, while count all the victories obtained by France, France had been living on the capital of when he considered the state of their in- the country. After the payment of our ternal resources, and their inability to carry taxes, though in some degree burthenon the war for another campaign, he had no some, every man in this island, could say doubt but the situation of things was mate- his personal liberty and private property rially improved. There were certainly were secure, under the protection of the many circunstances in the present situa- law. In France, all the natural rights of tion of France, favourable to peace, though mankind had been grossly violated.-He it might still be a question, whether it came next to the high price of corn in were advisable or practicable for us to this country. He agreed, that nothing treat. They now universally reprobated was more difficult as a subject of legislathat system of oppression under which tion. It required the immediate attention they had so long groaned. They now ex- of the House, to see if any measure pressed their detestation of that system could be adopted for relieving his majesof government, which in this country had ty's subjects from the heavy pressure met with such enthusiastic applause. The under which they now laboured, and for new constitution had been ushered in with preventing similar calamities in future. a denunciation of all the other systems of According to the best information governgovernment which had been devised in the ment were in possession of last year, course of the revolution. They seemed there was no reason to apprehend that now to be satisfied that they must renounce grain would have arisen to such a price. their desperate projects, and build a sys-One circumstance that contributed to it tem of peace on more solid and durable grounds. It was still a question with him, whether the French could put in execution the constitution which they had decreed. The right hon. gentleman opposite had

was, the lateness of the last harvest, by which means there was a difference of near one month's consumption. Gentlemen talked of the great quantities of corn that had been sent abroad for supply

ing our fleets and armies. Before such remarks were made, gentlemen would do well to inform themselves how much grain had been removed from domestic consumption, how much had been imported, and how many ships loaded with grain had been stopped, and which in time of peace would have gone to other countries. He concluded by observing, that ministers would use every means in their power for reducing the high price of grain and for rendering the situation of the poor more comfortable.

He loved the constitution of this country, because in practice he found it to be good, and this, with him, was the only criterion of a good government.

The Address was then agreed to.

The King's Answer to the Commons Address.] To the Address of the Commons his Majesty returned this answer:

"Gentlemen; I thank you for this very loyal Address. It affords me the greatest satisfaction to learn that you concur in the view which I entertain of the general situation and prospect of affairs, and to receive the assurances of your firm and decided support in those exertions which are most likely to ensure and accelerate the restoration of peace on such grounds as the justice of our cause, and the situa 240 tion of the enemy, may entitle us to expect."

The question being put, "That the words proposed to be left out in the Address, stand part of the question," the House divided:

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59

On the main question being put, Mr. Windham took occasion so censure Mr. Fox's panegyric on the French constitution of 1789, as well as his approbation of the destruction of the Bourbon family, and insinuated, that Mr. Fox had a partiality for making constitutional experi

ments.

Mr. For justified his former expressions respecting the French revolution. He had asserted, that the subversion of the French monarchy in the Bourbon family, was an event favourable to the liberty of Europe, and that the fall of that family would be looked on by posterity with admiration, because with it fell the reign of despotism. But at no one time had he given an unqualified opinion of the governments which succeeded that event; much less would he stand pledged to give the least countenance to the scenes of blood and cruelty which had been the almost inseparable attendants on the varied governments that followed one another. He formed his opinion of government by the test of practice, and not by theory and on paper. He disclaimed experiments and innovations, and he did not know on what principle innovation could be imputed to him. He had, it was true, supported the projects of Mr. Pitt as to a reform in parliament, because he believed those projects to be good; and if the insinuations went to this point, he readily acknowledged them to be just. If they went to any other object of his opinions or practice, he did not comprehend them.

Attack on his Majesty.] Two masters in Chancery presented a Message from the Lords desiring a present conference in the Painted Chamber.

The Speaker informed the House, that this message was informal and irregular, as it had always been the usual practice of either House, when it requested a conference, to state upon what subject the conference was requested.

Mr. Pitt then moved, "That a message be sent to the Lords to acquaint them, that, the House having received a message from their lordships, whereby they desired a present conference it is not agreeable to the usage and proceedings of parliament, for either House to send for a conference without expressing a subject matter of that conference." The motion being agreed to, the messengers were called in and acquainted therewith. Shortly after, the said messengers returned with a message from the Lords desiring a present conference on a subject materially affecting the safety of his majesty's person, and the honour and dignity of parliament.

Mr. Pitt then moved that managers be chosen to attend. The managers being returned, Mr. secretary Dundas reported, that they had held a conference with the Lords in which they had been informed that their lordships, in consequence of having examined several witnesses, had agreed to address his majesty, and that they desired the concurrence of that House in the address. The address was ordered to be taken into consideration

to-morrow, when it was agreed to nem.

con.

The King's Answer to the Joint Address of both Houses.] The Address being presented to his Majesty on the 31st, his Majesty returned this Answer:

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"I receive, with great pleasure, this additional proof of your uniform zeal and loyalty. I have too much reason to be assured of the affectionate and steady attachment of my people at large, to have felt any other sentiment upon this occa sion than that of concern at so high a violation of the laws. I shall not fail to give such directions as may best tend to bring to justice and punishment the persons concerned in an offence so dan. gerous to the public tranquillity, and so injurious to our excellent constitution."

Debate in the Lords on the Address of Thanks.] Oct. 30. The order of the day being read for taking his Majesty's Speech into consideration.

The Earl of Mount Edgecumbe rose, for the purpose of moving an Address. He said, he could not but participate in the feelings expressed by his majesty, and was perfectly convinced that our relative situation was much improved. On the part of Italy, where much anxiety had prevailed, respecting the progress of French arms, nothing was now to be apprehended. They were confined within their own limits, and we had no cause of alarm in that quarter. On the side of Germany, it was true, they had been more successful. But there also they had met with a severe check. They had passed the Rhine, and pushed forwards, while they saw not the face of an enemy to oppose them. Now they had found one capable of punishing their rashness, and who had succesfully pursued the advantages which they had gained. Although our enemy had acquired great territorial pos sessions, yet, happily, not one of those evil consequences had happened which it was supposed would result from the addition to their power. They had conquered Holland, the possession of which it was generally supposed would carry such an accession to their naval force as would render them more formidable than they had hitherto been. But the immense expenses incurred by their expedition against that country, far exceeded any advantage they had derived from the ac

quisition. Thus far, therefore, considering our situation as relative to that of our enemy, we had just reason to assert, that the ultimate advantage was on our side. Their finances too, were in such a state of ruin and confusion, that shortly the whole system must inevitably go to destruction. At this moment, the depreciation of their assignats was as seventy to one. On the other hand, we were in possession of immense revenues, and enjoyed a flourishing commerce, while that of our enemy was annihilated. Arts and manufactures flourished with us; our enemy they had totally forsaken. In this point of view, therefore, we had an infinite superiority. He thought it also a subject of congratulation to their lordships, that our enemies seemed approaching to that state of order and government, which would render it possible for us to enter into negociation with them. They now earnestly wished to enjoy a settled form of government. If the present crisis should produce such an event, his majesty had graciously informed them, he would gladly treat for peace. With regard to the high price of grain, that House could not repair the evils arising from a bad season; but, in their legislative character they might, perhaps, prevent monopoly, and the unfair practices of trade. He then moved an address, which was, as usual, an echo of the speech.

Lord Walsingham seconded the address. He insisted, that, from the deranged state of the French finances, a short time must inevitably bring them to ruin. Yet, even at this time, his majesty did not evince a vindictive disposition, but declared himself ready to treat, whenever any government appeared with which we could safely treat. And, surely, no one could wish for peace, unless it was permanent; for, of all evils, a patched-up, temporary peace was the greatest that could befall a nation. In another view, it was also to be dreaded: for, should our forces be disbanded, it would be difficult again to bring them to the pitch at which they now were.

The Duke of Bedford said, that from that respect which was due to the dignity of the House, he should wish an address to be adopted, not merely echoing the speech, but couched in language more suitable to the importance of the crisis. It was always understood that the speech was the composition of ministers, and that they were responsible for its contents. It

tions, or had confided in those prospects of success with respect to the issue of the war, which had been held out by ministers,

had been repeatedly asserted, that their
assignats were in a state of such discredit,
that the French could not continue the
war three months longer. But, in propor--But it was asserted in the speech, that
tion to the depreciation of their assignats,
had the vigour of their exertions increased.
Their success, therefore, was the grand
criterion to which he looked, and not to
any vague conclusions of reasoning. With
this success before their eyes, he was as-
tonished that the minister should make
use of the word "satisfaction," as ap-
plied to the present posture of affairs, and
presume to say that our situation was
improved. It was an idle assertion, un-
supported by argument, founded upon
the most gross and palpable misrepresen-
tation, and only calculated to impose upon
the understanding of their lordships.
What was this boasted improvement of
our situation? We were referred to what
had taken place in Italy. But what had
taken place there, partook more of an
escape than a triumph. In every other
quarter, except in the instance of the re-
cent check on the Rhine, the French had
been victorious. He was no advocate for
war, he was no panegyrist of victory. Let
victory follow victory, still he was sensible
that nothing could compensate to a people
for the calamities of war. There were
situations, indeed, in which war was ine-
vitable; but still, even in those situations,
victory was dearly purchased by the
waste of treasure and the effusion of
blood. But if the French had but little
reason to exult in their successes, what
had we to compensate us for the enormous
expense which we had incurred of blood
and treasure? We had been deserted by
our allies, we had experienced distress at
home, and disgrace abroad. Under these
circumstances the people of England
might have expected that there would
have been held out to them some prospect
of peace. Instead of this, however, there
were nothing but ambiguous promises, and
vague declarations. It surely would not
now be contended that the French were
incapable of maintaining the accustomed
relations of peace and amity. They had
shown themselves capable of maintaining
those relations towards the neutral states,
America, Denmark, and Sweden, and to-
wards those princes of the empire who
had entered into treaty with them. And
there was one in particular (the Elector
of Hanover) who would surely never have
made peace, if he had either supposed
them incompetent to maintain those rela-

there prevailed in France a state of things
of which it was impossible to foresee the
issue; that the present crisis might lead
to events important to Europe. The
transactions which had taken place in
France within the last three years, had,
indeed, been fatally important to Europe.
But what was there in such a declaration
at the present moment applicable to the
nature of our situation, or calculated to
afford any rational prospect of peace?
Were we to wait till ministers should de-
termine that the period had arrived when
France was competent to maintain the
relations of peace and amity? Were we
to exercise confidence in the men, of
whose blunders and mismanagement we
had daily experienced the most lamenta-
ble proofs? One expedition he could
not omit mentioning. It was held out,
that an attachment to royalty prevailed.
strongly in France, and that numbers
would flock to its standard the moment
it was reared. A numerous and gallant
army was set on foot, and for a length of
time, kept in a state of inactivity. At last
the expedition was as madly carried into
execution, as it had been indolently pro-
tracted, A handful of men, attached to
the cause in which they embarked, were
sent to France; but by whom were they
seconded? By men devoted to the repub-
lic, taken from English prisons, in conse-
quence of the folly or insolence of minis-
ters having precluded the means of ex-
change, and who were glad to purchase
their freedom at any price. By these
new friends, whom ministers had given
them, were these gallant royalists be-
trayed. But as if not contented with
this first failure, ministers had sent out
another expedition, which, by occupying
a great part of the fleet, and leaving a
considerable space of the sea open, had
exposed a most valuable branch of our
trade to the successful depredations of the
enemy.-With respect to the West Indies,
no man could lay his hand on his heart
and say, that we were now in a better si-
tuation than that in which we were placed
at the commencement of the war. The
capture of Tobago and Martinique had
but poorly compensated for the many
disasters we had experienced and the
dangers which threatened our other is-
lands.-With respect to the high price of

grain, he was extremely doubtful whether any interposition of parliament could be effectual. But there was one remedy for the evil--the restoration of peace. In time of war, the waste was always greater than in time of peace. The moment was peculiarly critical. We had been deserted by a considerable proportion of our allies; the assistance of those who remained, we were obliged to purchase by enormous subsidies. We were contending with an enemy fighting for their liberties, and for every thing that was dear to them. And such was the extreme pressure at home, that the industrious poor could scarcely procure the means of subsistence. For the origin of these evils, we must look to a ministry, if not corrupt and despotic, at least weak and inefficient. Let their lordships boldly come forward, and tear away the veil which had wickedly been obtruded before the eyes of the sovereign. Unless parliament stepped forward to do their duty, all was lost. Under this impulse he now came forward to move an Amendment to the address. Here his grace read the Amendment, which was precisely the same as that moved yesterday by Mr. Fox in the House of Commons. [See p. 181.]

Lord Grenville said, he had listened with attention to the noble duke in expec tation of hearing some new arguments in favour of our entering into a negociation for peace, but his expectation had not been realised. The noble duke had asked, wherein our improvement consisted? He had said that we were at this time not nearer the point than when we commenced, and that ministers were not warranted in stating that our condition was materially improved. They had stated that offensive operations meditated against Italy by the French, had been defeated. Was not that a material improvement? France was stated last year by the noble duke, to be on the point of over-running Italy, and, it was said, if they did, the prospect would be alarming. If, then, the enemy has been defeated in this object, was not the situation of affairs considerably improved? In the case of Germany, the enemy, after having crossed the Rhine, had been obliged to retreat, and abandon their enterprise. From Mentz they had also been driven back; and yet their lordships were told that these circumstances were not a cause of satisfaction. Could the noble duke forget, that last year the acquisition of Holland to the [VOL. XXXII.]

enemy was another subject on which he dwelt, as it would give France a naval superiority. But what was the consequence? We still remained masters of the ocean; the enemy's fleet was not only blockaded at Toulon, but a considerable part of their naval force had been unable to make Brest, and driven into another harbour, where they still remained. At no one period of the naval history of this country, was the superiority of our fleet more manifest. He desired the House to compare the situation of the two countries. This country, if driven to a farther prosecution of the war, could bear it, for we had still great resources. Whereas the enemy were almost totally destitute of any. What had hitherto been the resources of the enemy? Assignats. To assignats the French Revolution owed its success, and with their fall would expire the whole system of that Revolution. To this point they were now rapidly running. In this respect, the situation of France was very materially changed since last year. During that period, the depreciation of the assignats had increased in the ratio of 16 to 1. He did not advance it as an opinion of his own, or as the result of his own reasonings, when he affirmed, that unless the number of assignats in circulation was diminished, the country would be totally ruined, and the farther prosecution of the war, on their part, rendered impracticable. He gathered this information from men of every party and principle among the enemy, who, in their successive struggles for power, had been called to assume the direction of affairs. Were individual authority to communicate any strength to the general concurrence, he would adduce the opinion of a man, whose correctness of information he could rely upon. General Montesquieu, to whom he alluded, was certainly a man of talents. He had been the supporter, if not the projector, of the system of paper credit at its commencement, and now, upon his return to his country, he had devoted himself to discover a remedy for the evils which the unlimited extension of that system had occasioned. But even he despaired of success. In the memorial he had written, he enforced the immediate necessity of withdrawing a very great proportion of assignats from circulation, and out of thirteen milliards, to leave only three. The circulation, he said, had been increased since Montesquieu wrote, in a [0]

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