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was to receive 4,600,000l. over and above the sums which had been already advanced to him. What was the consequence of this? Did the Emperor undertake to furnish more than the 200,000 men? No such thing; and it now appeared that the Emperor had never agreed to what had been stated to the House by the minister. Perhaps it was not criminal on the part of our government to advance the money which the Emperor had actually received but he was sure that the House ought to have better information than the minister had given them, before they agreed to a proposition which was both dangerous and alarming. There was a rumour that this faithful ally of ours had acted in a manner not very consistent with the character which had been given him: if that rumour was true, we were proceeding, without the least security that we should not be deceived. It had been said, that when the British and allied armies were in a situation of the greatest peril, and when a delay of only twenty-four hours of the Austrians would have been essential, that delay had been refused by his imperial majesty. We had continued to pay the Emperor 100,000l. a month after he had deserted us. When an inquiry was proposed to be made into this business, we were told there were some difficulties in the way of an explanation. He would ask, was that an answer to a House of Commons called upon to vote away by millions the public money? It was objected to by many, and by himself particularly, on the discussion of the Prussian treaty, that we should pay such large sums withoutknowing correctly how former engagements had been fulfilled. It had been stated, that we were not an swerable for the whole amount of the loan, if the Emperor should fail; that we were answerable only for the dividends from time to time as the failure should occur. He was really too stupid to see the distinction between being answerable for the whole sum, and paying for ever the divi-ed on the principes of fair dealing. What dends that shall become due upon it. He security had we that what the Emperor wished to know upon what our security was doing in London was sincere, and rested with regard to this loan. He that what he was doing in Vienna was not should be answered, no doubt, on the all duplicity? He should like to know punctuality of the payments of the Em- with what face of sincerity the Empeperor. Now, there were persons, and he ror could come to the diet with his resconfessed he was one of the number, who cript in favour of peace, and at the same had doubts concerning this punctuality. moment open a loan with this country for Here Mr. Fox read an extract of a letter carrying on the war. The truth was, the from a person at Vienna, stating, that the diet were unacquainted with his determicourt of Vienna had come to a resolution nation to accept our loan when he publishnot to pay dividends of old loans to any ed this rescript, and by the step which we

be soon concluded between the French and the Emperor we should have given 4,600,000/. absolutely for nothing. There had been something said upon the distinction between the character of the Emperor as such, and that of king of Hungary and Bohemia; that, as Emperor, he might agree to a peace with France, but as king and archduke, he might pursue the war with vigour. This was perfectly ridiculous, for whenever peace was agreed upon, one of the leading articles of the treaty must be that he should not suffer troops destined against France to pass through any of his dominions, and therefore he would forbid such troops from going through Bohemia against France. But he was afraid that all the hopes of the majority who supported this war were now in the insincerity of the Emperor, as to this rescript. Exclusive of the infamy of such a principle, he advised the House to be cautious in trusting to such a security, for he knew of no real security in the conduct of any man, if that conduct was not found

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persons resident in France; and to another resolution, not to pay any persons who had not emigrated from France. Sums of money were due to a religious order in France, and the Emperor said he would not pay them unless they proved they had emigrated from France; and by the second resolution, he said he would not pay them, because they happened to be in the Austrian Netherlands, at the time the French over-ran that quarter. In answer to the minister's assertion, that we had made good use of our credit, by the terms of the loan, there were two arguments against such a mode of proceeding; first, it was not honourable for the House to sell the interest of the public credit; and, secondly, if it was to be sold it should be sold for what it was really worth. He saw in this convention no stipulation that the Emperor should not make a separate peace. If peace should

the means, uncertain in their operation by which it is constitutionally provided in express terms that it shall not be supplied.

2. "Because upon the allegation of the present conjuncture, it establishes this measure without any express period to its duration, and without any clause against the precedent.

present as to the expediency of securing to ourselves in the way proposed by this convention, the co-operation of so great a military power as the Emperor. The House had already decided on that point. They had, however, reserved to themselves when the conditions should be laid before them, to judge both as to the security offered for the assistance, to the extent to 3. "Because at a moment when the which it had been stipulated, and for the temper of the times, and our personal repayment of the sums advanced. When knowledge of late events in some corps, the message was originally brought down seem particularly to recommend a vigi- it was doubtful whether, with a view lance in the preservation of discipline and to a larger sum, still more extensive cosubordination, this bill, in a most extra-operation might not have been required. ordinary and unprecedented manner, re- The advances that had been already laxes the authority of the commanding made went to the exceedings above the officers over the objects of it, by suggest- four millions; they amounted to about ing to the latter a method which at any 550,000l. Every precaution had been time, &c. on any motive' entitles them to taken that could tend to render the transtheir discharge.' action safe. The security for repayment was, first, a general engagement to pay; next, a mortgage on the Emperor's here. ditary revenues, to be recovered according to the laws of that country, and a deposit of actions on the bank of Vienna. In case of non-payment, the sum to be made good by this country. But the committee would carry along with them that we were guarantees for only a half yearly dividend on the accidental failure of payment. A considerable delay had taken place, which had been full of anxiety to those concerned in the speculation, as they were obliged to have their money in readiness. Gentlemen on the other side had formerly stated, that the transaction did not present a very advantageous prospect to the subscribers. Fortunately the reverse was the case. He concluded with moving," That it is the opinion of this committee, that provision be made for guaranteeing the payment of the dividends on a loan of 4,600,000l., on account of the Emperor of Germany conformably to the said convention."

4. "Because the several circumstances of disappointment as to the strength of their regiments, and of degradation by the involuntary removal of their selected and most instructed men, by the replacing of them in a less certain and less creditable manner, and by converting the regiments into a recruiting fund for another corps, form an impolitic and undeserved return to such militia officers (and it has been admitted in the debates on this bill that there are many such) as have merit with the public.-And

Mr. For said, that when this business was before the House on a former day, they were told that four millions were to be granted to the Emperor, on condition. of his providing 200,000 men for the common cause, as it was termed, but that if he should provide a larger army, there should be no objection on our part to granting him the sum of six millions; and it was added, that the Emperor had received some of this money in part of the whole loan; and at that time it was not known how the proposals would be accepted at Vienna. The fact now was, that he

"I conceive it the more necessary to mark my disapprobation, and express my apprehension of the consequences of this innovation, as I know the militia contains a fund for recruiting not only the artillery but every other corps in his majesty's service, much too good not to be ardently coveted, and (however the intention be disclaimed at present) I fear resorted to (as I am sure it may be upon the same reasoning), when parliament shall have once notified the principle of making the militia subservient to the efficiency of other corps.

(Signed)

"RADNOR."

Debate in the Commons on the Loan to the Emperor of Germany.] May 28. The House having resolved itself into a committee of the whole House, to which the Convention between his Majesty and the Emperor* was refered,

Mr. Pitt said, that it did not occur to him to be necessary to say any thing at

*See Vol. 31, p. 1558.

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was to receive 4,600,000l. over and above | the sums which had been already advanced What was the consequence of this? Did the Emperor undertake to furnish more than the 200,000 men? No such thing; and it now appeared that the Emperor had never agreed to what had been stated to the House by the minister. Perhaps it was not criminal on the part of our government to advance the money which the Emperor had actually received but he was sure that the House ought to have better information than the minister had given them, before they agreed to a proposition which was both dangerous and alarming. There was a rumour that this faithful ally of ours had acted in a manner not very consistent with the character which had been given him : if that rumour was true, we were proceeding, without the least security that we should not be deceived. It had been said, that when the British and allied armies were in a situation of the greatest peril, and when a delay of only twenty-four hours of the Austrians would have been essential, that delay had been refused by his imperial majesty. We had continued to pay the Emperor 100,000l. a month after he had deserted us. When an inquiry was proposed to be made into this business, we were told there were some difficulties in the way of an explanation. He would ask, was that an answer to a House of Commons called upon to vote away by millions the public money? It was objected to by many, and by himself particularly, on the discussion of the Prussian treaty, that we should pay such large sums withoutknowing correctly how former engagements had been fulfilled. It had been stated, that we were not an swerable for the whole amount of the loan, if the Emperor should fail; that we were answerable only for the dividends from time to time as the failure should occur. He was really too stupid to see the distinction between being answerable for the whole sum, and paying for ever the dividends that shall become due upon it. He wished to know upon what our security rested with regard to this loan. He should be answered, no doubt, on the punctuality of the payments of the Emperor. Now, there were persons, and he confessed he was one of the number, who had doubts concerning this punctuality. Here Mr. Fox read an extract of a letter from a person at Vienna, stating, that the court of Vienna had come to a resolution not to pay dividends of old loans to any

persons resident in France; and to another resolution, not to pay any persons who had not emigrated from France. Sums of money were due to a religious order in France, and the Emperor said he would not pay them unless they proved they had emigrated from France; and by the second resolution, he said he would not pay them, because they happened to be in the Austrian Netherlands, at the time the French over-ran that quarter. In answer to the minister's assertion, that we had made good use of our credit, by the terms of the loan, there were two arguments against such a mode of proceeding; first, it was not honourable for the House to sell the interest of the public credit; and, secondly, if it was to be sold it should be sold for what it was really worth. He saw in this convention no stipulation that the Emperor should not make a separate peace. If peace should be soon concluded between the French and the Emperor we should have given 4,600,000l. absolutely for nothing. There had been something said upon the distinction between the character of the Emperor as such, and that of king of Hungary and Bohemia; that, as Emperor, he might agree to a peace with France, but as king and archduke, he might pursue the war with vigour. This was perfectly ridiculous, for whenever peace was agreed upon, one of the leading articles of the treaty must be that he should not suffer troops destined against France to pass through any of his dominions, and therefore he would forbid such troops from going through Bohemia against France. But he was afraid that all the hopes of the majority who supported this war were now in the insincerity of the Emperor, as to this rescript. Exclusive of the infamy of such a principle, he advised the House to be cautious in trusting to such a security, for he knew of no real security in the conduct of any man, if that conduct was not founded on the principes of fair dealing. What security had we that what the Emperor was doing in London was sincere, and that what he was doing in Vienna was not all duplicity? He should like to know with what face of sincerity the Emperor could come to the diet with his rescript in favour of peace, and at the same moment open a loan with this country for carrying on the war. The truth was, the diet were unacquainted with his determination to accept our loan when he published this rescript, and by the step which we

were about to take, we were to become parties to the delusion. Whatever were the real intentions of the Emperor, this was a duplicity of a nature so detestable, that we ought to be ashamed of being parties to it.

The committee divided: Yeas, 77. Noes, 43. The resolution was accordingly agreed to.

June 3. The Resolution being reported to the House,

Mr. W. Smith said, that a great alteration in the affairs of Europe had taken place since the House first voted this loan. It had become a question, whether or not we were likely to obtain an equivalent for this very large sum of money? This question seemed to him to depend very much upon two considerations: first, the probability of any co-operation on the part of the Emperor in this war: secondly, the efficiency of that co-operation. Upon the probability of that co-operation he owned, that, considering the state of the Germanic empire, he thought that very doubtful, from the disposition which that monarch had manifested in his rescript to the Germanic states. Supposing the Emperor should be induced to make peace, what security had we for the payment of any part of this loan? Did any gentleman imagine that it would then be even in the power of the Emperor to pay? Thus we were going to risk 4,600,000l. upon a chance for which no private gentleman would give 400/. of his own property. He entreated the House to consider what they were doing.

Mr. Fox wished the House to consider the step they were taking, and how totally destitute they were of any defence of their conduct to their constituents. He alluded to a fact which he had stated when this subject was last discussed. The fact he had stated was not strictly correct; but the difference made considerably in favour of the conclusion he had drawn, as to the fidelity of the Emperor, in the fulfilment of his pecuniary engagements. He had said, that certain religious houses in France had lent the Emperor large sums of money, to be repaid at the bank of Vienna, and that the Emperor had first issued an order that the interest should not be paid to any but to those who could prove their emigration, and afterwards had issued another order that no interest should be paid at all. In consequence of this statement, he had received

a letter from a friend, in which he had informed him, "that the religious houses were situated, not in France, but in the Austrian Netherlands. The bonds for the money lent belonged to English convents of nuns in the Emperor's own dominions; and it was to his own subjects that the Emperor had been guilty of a breach of faith." Such was the purport of the let ter. The fact, therefore, was, that this was an aggravated circumstance in the conduct of the perfidious Emperor, and an additional proof of the solvency, as it was called, of this bankrupt bank of Vienna. With respect to the political principle of the measure, the country was to give money for assistance which was not stipulated, and which it could not enforce. His imperial majesty did not say that he would not make peace, in his convention with this country; whereas, in his rescript to the diet of Ratisbon, he had said, that he would make peace. The House, therefore, were called upon to grant the loan, without any decided assurance, that the Emperor would continue the war; and with a direct assertion of his readiness to make peace. It ought to be shown that the revenues of his imperial majesty were sufficient to repay the money, independently of the ordinary expenditure of the imperial dominions. The fact was, that a loan was to be granted, without any assurance being made by the Emperor, that he would afford effectual aid. He had, it was true, agreed to raise 200,000 men. Where were those men? And how did the country know that they would, if such a number could be raised, co-operate with this country? It appeared, then, that if the Emperor did not choose to keep his engagement, Great Britain could not force him; and that if he did keep his engagement, he might still make peace without any inconsistency. By the way, was there any man sure that his co-operation would not cease altogether, as soon as the royal assent should be given to the bill for the loan? If the House took upon itself to guarantee this loan, and should afterwards be deceived, it could not deny but it had been properly warned.

Mr. Pitt said, as to what had been of fered in depreciation of Austrian fidelity in pecuniary engagements, it consisted of ex parte statements, extracted from the letters of interested individuals. As to the Emperor's decree respecting the nonpayment of those who did not prove their emigration, it alluded entirely to his own

subjects. When the rulers of France got, possession of Flanders, and confiscated the property of the inhabitants, the court of Vienna thought proper to refuse certain religious societies of France, who were holders of imperial securities, payment during the war. He maintained, that for good faith, no court in Europe stood higher than that of Vienna, insomuch, that he challenged any man to show a single instance, before the present, in which it was called in question. It had been said the Emperor intended to make peace with the French. That suggestion, supposing it to be true, was of little weight against the expediency of the loan: for he put it to the candour of the House, whether there was the smallest inconsistency in the Emperor's declaring, as head of the Germanic body, his willingness to negociate for a peace, and at the same time prosecuting the war as grand duke of Austria, and king of Bohemia and Hungary. It might as well be argued, that the king of Great Britain, as elector of Hanover, should refuse his contingent, or necessarily embroil Great Britain in war; nay, every independent prince of the empire had the same power. But he would assert that Austria had often been at war with France when the empire was at peace.

The question being put, " That the said resolution be now read a second time;" the House divided:

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advanced, and the preparations on the part of the allies not so formidable as last year. If our past efforts, when every nerve was strained, had been marked only by failure and defeat, what could be expected from diminished exertions but more fatal disgraces? Suppose the Emperor's generals should tell him that they cannot make offensive war, must it not strike a gloom into every gentleman, that we should guarantee 4,600,000l. to carry on a protracted and defensive war? He thought it vain to attempt the conquest of twenty-four millions of people, and that with a view to destroy their republic, it would be better to make peace.

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Mr. Hussey General Tarleton So it was resolved in the affirmative. The said Resolution was then agreed to, and a bill was ordered to be brought in thereupon.

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Mr. M. Robinson insisted that there was apparent perfidy in the conduct of the Emperor, and that the House had a right to be distrustful of a prince who had at the same time signed a treaty for the continuance of the war, and sent to the diet of Ratisbon a rescript, expressive of his wish to make peace.

Mr. Lechmere said, that the expenses of this disastrous war had fallen almost entirely upon this country, and had been drawn from the hard-earned pittance of the poor. The vast expense he could not consent to swell. It was therefore his opinion, that no loan should be granted to the Emperor. Prussia had been subsidized at a period when his Prussian majesty had explicitly asserted, that he could not find troops enow to act against the French. A subsidy had been granted to the king of Sardinia, for nothing more than defending his own dominions. The loan to the Emperor was evidently for the purpose of preventing him from making peace. To a loan for any such purpose, he should decidedly object.

Mr. Fox rose for the purpose of moving an amendment. The House, he said, had been told that the French were in great distress, and so he believed they were. The House had also been told that much might be done by standing aloof. His own idea of standing aloof, was to stand aloof at a peace, or at an expense not much above the ordinary peace establishment, and not at an annual expense of thirty millions. France, it had been said, was falling to pieces, and yet she made treaties of peace. Why was, therefore, a treaty with this country to prevent her from continuing to fall to pieces? The present was altogether a new system of which the ministers were the authors, they had sufficient experience of the

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