friend of his (Mr. Burke) of the most extensive benevolence as well as comprehensive genius, which he had conceived many years ago, and intended to bring forward, had he not given way to the hon. gentleman by whom the subject was first agitated in that House, and to whom he had resigned it, careless by whom good was done, provided it was done, and from a conviction that it then came forward with better hopes of success. The plan of his right hon. friend he had viewed with that predilection which he entertained for every thing that his great wisdom attempted. The design of that plan was different from that of the hon. gentleman; it did not begin by abolishing the traffic, but by introducing such regulations into the treatment of the negroes, as would secure their propagation, and make the trade gradually die away. Next to such a plan as that, at the present moment and under the present circumstances, he should have wished no plan at all to have been adopted. Upon so important a question, he could not reconcile his mind to giving no vote at all, and seeing the doubts, as they appeared to him, it was with great reluctance that he should vote for the bill. Nothing could be more unpleasant than to act against principles, to the truth of which the mind had assented: he was certain of the principles, and could not be certain of the proper force of the objections; he would therefore follow that tenor of conduct which he had uniformly observed on the present subject, and vote consistently.

be a greater quantity of misery occasioned to mankind by our adding to the number of crimes, or whether the mass of guilt remained the same, if we continued to do the wrong or not? He thought the example we might give to others, and the effect this might have upon the conduct of others, was the great point of view in which the matter was to be taken. In the present case, the example of Great Britain, renowned and glorious as she was, in abstaining from the trade, where the number of individual states engaged in the trade was so small, would be of the last importance. It was unfair to argue, that parliament was only doing what it had before resolved upon, and the charge of precipitation was an unjust imputation on a case that had so long depended. Was not the state of the islands changed? Was not the state of Europe changed? Yes; great and awful changes had taken place, which made every attempt of the nature we were at present engaged in, attended with the most imminent danger, even to the very objects, in favour of whom the bill was brought in. There was now no question of weighing English gold against African blood, and the profits of Europeans against the miseries of Africa: these were things not to be compared: but there was a question, namely, weighing humanity against humanity, and comparing the means proposed with the probable attainment of the object. In the balance of evils, he would let the Africans remaïn some time longer in their former state, sooner than risk the dangers which a precipitate endeavour to meliorate it might draw on us. The planters them selves were already much disposed to alleviate their condition; and this disposition might be expected daily to improve from the mild operation of opinion, which was principally set afloat by the discussions which had taken place in that House on the subject. A time of peace, too, was preferable to a time of war. Bad effects might be produced on the temper of the negroes. Upon the whole, he should have been pleased that the subject had not been agitated at the present moment, and that it had been allowed to stand over though not laid out of view. He said that a plan had been formed for the abolition of the slave trade by a

This plan will be found in Mr. Burke's Works, Vol. 9, p. 283. It is intituled, "Sketch of the Negro Code."

Mr. Pitt said, that as often as he had heard the question agitated, and as ably as he had always heard it argued, no reasoning, no argument which ingenuity prompted either by an honourable difference of opinion, or by an interested motive could suggest had operated to change his fixed and decided idea respecting the advantages of speedy and immediate abolition. He was so far from agreeing with his right hon. friend who spoke last, that the alarming events which had taken place since the introduction of the question into that House, were of such a nature as to make it advisable to alter the time and manner of abolition, that he felt such circumstances to be the strongest reason to induce the House to adopt the measure. Even the danger of principles at present afloat, made him draw an opposite conclusion from that of his right hon. friend, and in his mind justified his

contending that, with regard to the safety of the islands, with a view to the cause of humanity and justice, we should resort to an abolition without further delay. In every consideration therefore which he was enabled to give the business, that was his invariable opinion. That the agitation of the business might create a dangerous impression on the minds of the negroes and the interests of the planters, if the bill was not passed, he was free to confess; and he felt no small degree of anxiety on that particular point. If he thought the measure was not likely to succeed, he had rather that it had slept in a temporary oblivion, till it might be brought forward with more safety and unanimity. When, however, the bringing it so often forward, appeared likely to advance the measure of abolition in the end, by preparing all parties for it; when he heard it asserted, from the best authority in the House, that since the subject had been brought forward the horrors so deprecated and lamented by all, had in a great measure ceased, he hoped the practical good of discussion would counterbalance the practical evil apprehended from agitation.-From the debates of that House getting abroad he saw no possible danger; much less could he conceive how they could create discontent in the minds of the negroes; they must see that most of the arguments were in their favour: if, nevertheless, there yet was danger in debating the question, he did not wish to probe their wounds still more, by going then into arguments upon the grounds of humanity and justice. He declared, he was astonished to hear such contradictory positions from gentlemen respecting the continuance of the trade. Would they, who apprehended such danger from the slaves already imported, continue to import a new mass year after year, and in the same breath contend, that such annual reinforcements cured the mischief that operated on the minds of the old slaves? If the danger was so great, and the question was become so delicate, that gentlemen were afraid to agitate it, would they still argue for the continuation of that danger, and contend against the abolition as a remedy for the evils which they so much dreaded? He would say nothing of the alarm that possessed the minds of gentlemen, nor would he dwell on the horrors and injustice of the trade, to induce gentlemen to adopt his ideas, because all were agreed on those grounds, and there were not to be found

among the most interested in the continuance of the traffic, men so lost to all sense of truth and all the powers of conviction, as to stand up advocates for sanctioning the trade on the principles of humanity and justice. He did not like the plan which Mr. Burke had formed for the gradual abolition, though he had the greatest reverence for every thing which came from that respectable and enlightened gentleman; because he thought that, by protracting abolition, they would increase the danger of the islands: by beginning with an amelioration of the situation of the negroes, the more their expectations would be excited, the greater would be the danger of their being impressed and stimulated by the fallacious principles with which they were assailed. On the contrary, by commencing our labours by the abolition of the trade altogether, we were removing the radical cause of their misery, and preparing the way to a certain melioration of their condition, inasmuch as it would be the interest of the planters to treat them in a more favourable manner. He could not pass unnoticed the unfairness of confounding the internal affairs of the islands with the circumstances of the trade. All the dangers and misfortunes of the colonies were certainly not to be ascribed to the discontent of the slaves; and the prevalence of an idea so grossly erroneous would, in his opinion, most endanger the interests of the planters. Gentlemen were inconsistent in arguing, that, by delaying the abolition, the West Indians would themselves become sensible, that it was for their interest and credit, that it should be eventually put an end to. But upon what principle was this hope to be indulged, how was it to be reconciled to their public acts? He would put the matter to a fair criterion, and refer the House to the report of the assembly of Jamaica in 1788, in which they stated the sole objection to an abolition of the trade to consist in the disparity between the number of males and females, which, when done away by the importation of more females, would furnish them with the means of sufficient population. Thus they admitted the expediency, the policy, the humanity and the justice of the abolition, and only gave their opinion as to the period when it should commence. That period had long since arrived, and yet, compare the report with a petition presented this very session, and they would find the planters

of acres was brought into cultivation? If a hundred years ago, it was proposed to add a million more of sugar acres to our islands, would it be agreed to at the expense of encouraging the slave trade, and did not the same principle apply in the present case? 1f this plan was tolerated, it would be equivalent to founding new colonies. Was it not better to make those gentlemen a compensation for their quitrents, than establish new colonies, and continue the slave trade on that ground?

coming forward to parliament, and stating, that they had proved on oath to the House, that the trade was not opposite to the principles of justice and humanity. -Such were the consistency and candour of the West India planters; who, so far from wishing for the abolition, after the delay with which they had been indulged, flatly contradict themselves, and declare themselves of a different opinion from that they avowed eight years ago. Notwithstanding this, the House was desired to wait for some time longer, in compliance with the wishes of the West Indians. With respect to their pretext of obtaining four years for the sake of proportioning the numbers of the sexes, he before proved to the House, that the sexes tallied at the moment the complaint was preferred, as much as could be, though not equally in all the islands: if a disproportion had taken place, it was because greater numbers were imported. He never heard his calculations respecting the proportion of the sexes disproved; and he was aware the complaint had been urged, and was then urged, as a pretext against the bill. In this way, and from this mode of proceeding, it was not possible to guess at a period which the West Indians would say was proper for the abolition: that was avowedly the opinion of the petitioners, and it was farther corroborated by this circumstance, that since the idea of an immediate abolition was prevented, the importation had increased with fresh vigour, and and was one-fourth more, at least, than parliament had determined it ought to be. Nor was this all: in proportion as the legislature disapproved of the continuance of this odious traffic, the planters seemed to extend their ne cessities and their views, and were eager to import fresh slaves for the cultivation of new colonies, an idea scouted in that House universally. If then, during the last four years, the trade had been followed with additional vigour, it plainly appeared, that what was urged respecting population was a pretext for the future progress of the trade.-He wished also to press on the minds of gentlemen the argument respecting the improvement of uncultivated lands. It was urged by the planters, that they were paying quit-rent for one million of acres, which would be waste on their hands unless they were allowed to import slaves for reclaiming the same. Would the House say, that the slave trade was to be continued till this million [VOL. XXXII.]

Did gentlemen mean to say that the parliament of Great Britain had no right to interfere with the internal regulation of the colonies? He would not enter into any long argument on the question of right; it was not necessary-when gentlemen, however, considered that we regulated the commerce of the islands, they must admit, that we had an indubitable right to enact a measure of abolition. Parliament had the undoubted power and right to prohibit the trade; the act of 1778, though it limited the right of taxation, except for purposes of revenue, left full power to prohibit trade; and while the House can abolish that on which the slave trade depends, the guilt must remain with them if they allow it to continue. With regard to our power in this respect, it was acknowledged by a report of the assembly of Jamaica in 1788. It was there stated, that "it is not sufficiently understood in Great Britain, that the African trade does not, by any means, belong to the people of the colonies; that it is purely British, carried on for their own advantage, in their own bottoms, and on their own capitals." Taking this representation to be true, nothing could be more incontrovertible, than that parliament had the power to regulate or to annihilate, as it thought proper, that trade which was immediately under its own control. The next question was, whether any practical or moral good would ensue from our dereliction of this trade, and whether, though we abandoned it, the same evil would not still continue in some other shape, or rise up again in some other quarter? Allowing this objection all its force, would a petty and fraudulent trade bear any proportion to that openly carried on under the sanction of the British government? It was plain, that by such illicit trade one-tenth of the usual number could not be imported; and the practical good of the measure was established if nine-tenths of the negroes [3 M]