to

the present. The Chautauqua Summer School began in 1874. A summer school of law was opened in 1870 by the University of Virginia. From these beginnings have grown innumerable schools. Not only do most of the colleges and universities conduct such schools but Chautauqua schools, Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A. schools, music schools, tutoring schools, normal schools, library schools, etc., are meeting the growing demand for summer school facilities. According to the latest report (1916) of the United States Bureau of Education 674 schools were in session during the summer of 1915, 47 universities, 40 colleges, 90 normal schools, 39 other institutions, 458 independent schools.

All colleges and universities listed offer academic credit for work completed in the summer session. Of 90 normal schools listed, only 48 offer credit. The basis for such credit is 30 hours of recitations, implying 60 hours of preparation for each credit-hour. A student

may usually earn four credit-hours in one summer session. Since a college year is given 15 credit-hours, it will require four summer sessions to earn a full credit-year.

The process is, therefore, slow, but thousands of students persist until they earn the coveted credit-year. Especially is this true of students whose college course was interrupted and who in this way complete work for the bachelor's degree; and many college graduates take this means of earning a master's degree.

A. R. BRUBACHER, President of State College for Teachers, Albany, N. Y.

SUMMERS, George William: b. Fairfax County, Va., 4 March 1807; d. Charleston, W. Va., 18 Sept. 1868. He entered Ohio University at Athens, Ohio, in 1819 and graduated in 1826. He then studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1827. In 1830 he was elected a

member of the lower house of the Virginia legislature and was later re-elected several times. In 1841 he was elected to the United States House of Representatives, and was reelected in 1843. In 1850 he was elected to the Virginia Constitutional Convention and took a prominent part in framing the new constitution. In 1851 he was the Whig candidate for governor of Virginia, in the first popular election for governor in Virginia, but was defeated by Joseph Johnson, the Democratic nominee. In May 1852 he was elected judge of the eighth judicial circuit of Virginia, but resigned his office 1 July 1858. He was a prominent member of the "Peace Conference» held at Washington in the spring of 1861 and took an active part in defense of the Union. He was also elected a delegate to the Richmond convention which passed the Ordinance of Secession. In the convention he made an able speech in defense of the Union. At the opening of the Civil War he retired to private life upon his farm and thereafter refused to accept office but continued the practice of his profession. He wielded a large influence in western Virginia.

SUMMERS, sum'èrz, Thomas Osmund, American Methodist Episcopal (South) clergyman: b. near Corfe Castle, Dorsetshire, England, 11 Oct. 1812; d. Nashville, Tenn., 6 May

1882. In 1830 he came to the United States where he studied for the ministry and was "admitted on trial" to the Baltimore Conference, 1835. He was active in the organization of the Texas Conference, 1840, and later was sent to the Alabama Conference. He was professor of systematic theology at Vanderbilt University, dean of the faculty and pastor ex officio of that university. He has published "Commentaries on the Gospels, the Acts, and the Ritual of the Methodist Episcopal Church (South); Seasons, Months and Days'; (Talks, Pleasant and Profitable.' Consult 'Life' by Fitzgerald (1884).

SUMMERSIDE, Canada, town and port of entry of Prince Edward's Island, capital of Prince County, on Bedeque Bay and on the Prince Edward's Island Railroad. It is 40 miles northwest of Charlottetown and has an excellent harbor with anchorage for the largest vessels. There are flour and saw mills, manufactures of plows, etc., and is the centre of the recently developed fox ranch industry. Summerside has regular communication in summer by steamer with Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. Pop. (1921) 3,228.

SUMMERSVILLE, Ga., city in Richmond County and suburb of Augusta. It lies in a fertile valley 25 miles north-northwest of Rome, on the Central of Georgia Railroad. On account of its mild winter climate it is a popular winter resort. It contains a government arsenal and ordnance department. Pop. (1920) 1,003.

SUMMIT, N. J., city in Union County, on the Delaware, Lackawanna and Western Railroad, 20 miles west of New York and 12 miles west of Newark. It is in an elevated part of the county, about 450 feet above tide water. Summit was settled in 1795, and the first school was built the same year. The first church building was erected in 1840. It was incorporated as a township in 1869 and as a city in 1899. It is a purely residential community, noted for its beautiful scenery and delightful climate. The chief industries which contribute to the prosperity of the city are manufacturing silk goods, cultivation of roses, farming and the cultivation of fruit. Summit is a residential city, and has many New York and Newark business men among its inhabitants. The municipal improvements include gas and electric lights, pure water, an excellent tide water sewerage system, well-organized police and fire departments, free postal delivery and telegraph and telephone service. There are eight churches, Y. M. C. A. building and the Arthur Home for Blind Babies under the International Sunshine Society. The educational institutions are Kent Place School, for girls; Summit Academy, for boys; five public schools, one parish school and a free public library. The two banks have a combined capital of $200,000. The government is vested in a mayor and a council of seven members, who hold office for three years. Pop. (1920) 10,174.

SUMMONS, in law, an admonition to appear in court, addressed to the defendant in a personal action. It is the writ by which a personal action is always commenced. According to English law it need not state the form or cause of action, but it must contain the names of all the defendants, and must have endorsed

upon it the name and address of the person taking it out, whether the plaintiff himself or his attorney. It is the duty of the person taking out a summons to serve it on the defendant in person; but if the judge is satisfied that reasonable efforts have been made to do this, and that the defendant knows that the summons has been issued against him, he may authorize the plaintiff to go on with the action without personal service.

SUMNER, Charles, American statesman: b. Boston, 6 Jan. 1811; d. Washington, D. C., 11 March 1874. His family was English in origin, Charles being a descendant in the seventh generation from William, who came to America about 1635 and settled at Dorchester, Mass. The Sumners lived in the same vicinity for the next 200 years and more, generally as farmers. The father, Charles Pinckney Sumner (b. 1776; d. 1839), graduated from Harvard in 1796. He was a lawyer, was married to Relief Jacob of Hanover, N. H., in 1810 and had nine children, of whom Charles was the eldest. The father took an active interest in politics, was clerk of the Massachusetts House of Representatives in 1806-07 and 1810-11 and from 1825 to 1839 was sheriff of Suffolk County. He was interested in the temperance movement and was strongly anti-slavery in feeling. He was fond of books, conscientious, earnest, grave and stern. It was not strange, then, that he brought up his son in the old Puritan style and the latter's career shows that he was greatly influenced by his father's training, views and character.

Charles was educated at the famous Boston Latin School, having as schoolmates Robert C. Winthrop and Wendell Phillips. His tastes were those of the scholar and he read widely and became proficient in the classics. He entered Harvard College in 1826, where he continued to excel in the classics, but also devoted much time to history and literature and perfected himself in oratory or "declaiming." After a year spent in private study and diligent attendance on the lectures and orations of the great Boston orators, Webster, Everett, Choate and Channing, he entered the Harvard Law School in 1831 and received the personal attention and teaching of Judge Story, an old friend of Sumner's father. His plan of study was thus described in a letter to a friend: "Six hours, namely, the forenoon, wholly and solely to law; afternoon, classics; evening, history, subjects collateral and assistant to law,

etc.

Recreation must not be found in idleness or loose reading." In January 1834 he entered the law office of Benjamin Rand in Boston. In February he made a journey to Washington, where he received his first impressions of slavery in the South. His first subscription for a newspaper was for Garrison's Liberator. While in Washington he heard Webster, Clay and Calhoun speak in the Senate, but he still thought he preferred law to politics. During the next three years, 1834-36, he practised law in Boston, but without remarkable success. His arguments were in the nature of learned essays rather than forcible presentations of the case in a manner to convince juries.

In 1837 he went abroad and spent three years traveling in France, England, Italy and Germany. In Paris, where he lived five months, he attended university lectures, visited the mu

seums, galleries and historic places, attended the Chamber of Deputies and law courts, went into society and met many eminent persons. He next spent 10 months in England and met the famous men of the day, Carlyle, Wordsworth, Macaulay, etc. In Italy he studied Italian literature. Then he spent several months in Germany and finally returned to America in May 1840. His foreign travel unfitted him for his chosen profession, to some extent, and still further intensified his longings for the scholar's career.

During his absence abroad the slavery question had become a burning issue, though up to this time he had but slight interest in politics or in the great public questions of the period. From 1841, however, his letters commence to show evidence of more positive views on the slavery question and more determination to oppose the further spread and influence of this institution. His humanitarianism showed itself in his interest in popular education and in the support of Horace Mann, in the work for the blind, in that for the improvement of prison discipline and in his opposition to war under all circumstances. In 1843 he commenced to write against slavery, and contended, in opposition to many, that it was a national rather than merely a local evil: that the nation was responsible and that it might to a large extent remove the evil by abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia and in the Territories, by compelling the rendition of fugitive slaves, by preventing the slave trade, by remedying the laws of slave States which abridged the right of free negroes in free States, by stipulating the conditions of admitting new States and by amending the Constitution so as to abolish slavery. Sumner made his real début in public life by a Fourth of July oration in Boston, 1845, on the "True Grandeur of Nations," in which he bitterly denounced wars of all kinds as dishonorable. Four months later he made his first anti-slavery speech at a meeting in Faneuil Hall to protest against the annexation of Texas.

In 1846-47 Sumner made several speeches in favor of the Whig party adopting an antislavery attitude. He wrote for the newspapers against the Mexican War; declared that it was unconstitutional, unjust and detestable, opposed further expenditures for it, called for the withdrawal of troops and opposed the opening of the territory to be acquired from Mexico to slavery. He joined the Free Soil party of 1848 and was nominated for Congress in October, but failed of election. When Webster, in his speech of 7 March 1850, refused to vote to exclude slavery from California and New Mexico, he became, in the eyes of many in Massachusetts, an apologist of slavery and this situation opened the door of the Senate to Sumner.

In Massachusetts the autumn campaign hinged on the question whether the State should approve the Compromise of 1850 and the course of Webster in supporting it. There was bitter opposition to the Fugitive Slave Law and the manner of its enforcement. Sumner made an important speech in Faneuil Hall 6 November against the Fugitive Slave law and demanded its repeal. This speech made possible his election as senator in January 1851, for in the State election the combined Democrats and

Free Soilers had a majority of the legislature and chose Sumner rather than Winthrop, the Whig candidate, as senator.

an

With the entrance of Sumner into the Senate in December 1851 a new force for antislavery agitation was present. He was uncompromising, fiery, earnest and persistent antagonist of slavery. He was the spokesman of the anti-slavery forces in the Senate as Calhoun had been for the pro-slavery interests. Although the leaders of both parties were for peace, Clay and Webster on one side and Cass, Buchanan and Douglas on the other, nevertheless Sumner believed that the Compromise of 1850 was wrong and that "nothing can be settled which is not right." It was not until August 1852, after both the Whig and Democratic National Conventions had declared their support of the Compromise of 1850, that Sumner spoke of the great question, viz., "Freedom National, Slavery Sectional.» His argument was to the effect that slavery was not recognized in the Constitution, that Congress had no power to establish it and that, therefore, it could not legally exist where the jurisdiction of the national government was exclusive; that the Fugitive Slave Law was unconstitutional and, therefore, should not be obeyed. This speech made Sumner the leader of the antislavery party and his doctrines were accepted as sound by its rank and file.

The next Congress, that commencing 5 Dec. 1853, was made famous by the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, which was designed to repeal the Missouri Compromise. It was on 23 Jan. 1854 that Senator Douglas introduced a bill dividing the Nebraska Territory into Kansas and Nebraska. This bill declared that the Missouri Compromise "was superseded on the principle of the legislation of 1850, commonly called the compromise measure, and is hereby declared in operation." Sumner spoke against the bill 15 Feb. 1854 and declared that the Missouri Compromise was a binding contract. His speech on 26 June in reply to an attack on Boston and Massachusetts by Southern senators, particularly Senators Butler of South Carolina and Mason of Virginia, aroused great feeling.

The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act led to the formation of the Republican party. A Republican convention, composed mostly of Free Soilers, was held at Worcester, Mass., 7 Sept. 1854 and Sumner spoke for the new party. He advocated resistance to the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law and advised the passage of personal liberty laws to nullify its workings. He justified his position by denying that the provision of the Constitution touching the rendition of "persons held to service or labor," conferred any power on the national government "to establish uniform rules for the rendition of fugitives"; that therefore, each State had the right to determine for itself the extent of the obligation assumed. In consequence the Fugitive Slave Law was unconstitutional and the States had a right to act so as to secure for their citizens claimed as fugitive slaves the right of trial by jury and the privilege of habeas corpus. This view would give the States liberty to construe the Constitution and pass laws which their construction of the Constitution permitted. In case there was a conflict between the Supreme Court

and the States in the construction of the Constitution, then no man "will voluntarily aid in enforcing a judgment which in conscience he believed wrong." This was preaching revolutionary doctrine and was the most violent and extreme position which Sumner had taken up to this date.

In the second session of the 33d Congress, that commencing December 1854, Sumner endeavored to secure a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, but was defeated. In the spring of 1855 he prepared an address entitled "The Anti-Slavery Enterprise, its Necessity, Practicability, and Dignity, with Glances at the Special Duties of the North." This was delivered in Boston, New York and other places. It was in this address that he prophesied the downfall of slavery because of a "moral blockade" against it. "With the sympathies of all Christendom as allies, already it (AntiSlave movement), encompasses the slave masters by a moral blockade, invisible to the eye, but more potent than navies, from which there can be no escape except in final capitulation.»

Con

Two of the great events of the session of Congress that met 3 Dec. 1855, were Sumner's speech of 19 and 20 May 1856, on "The Crime against Kansas," and the assault on him by Representative Brooks of South Carolina. It was on 12 March 1856 that Senator Douglas reported a bill for organizing a State government in Kansas. This provided that the steps taken should be prescribed by the territorial legislature. This was the pro-slavery legislature which had been elected in March 1855 as a result of fraudulent votes of Missourians who had entered Kansas for this purpose. gress had to decide whether it would recognize this legislature or admit Kansas as a free State under the Topeka constitution, which had been formed by the free-state men in the convention which met at Topeka 23 Oct. 1855. The debate on the subject began 20 March and continued for some months. Conditions in Kansas had been going from bad to worse and pro-slavery troops had been disarming free-state settlers, and finally, on 21 May, they made an attack on Lawrence, demanded the surrender of all arms, broke the presses of the newspapers, burned the Free State Hotel and plundered houses and dwellings.

It was under such circumstances that Sumner delivered his famous and carefully prepared speech which he meant to be "the most thorough philippic ever uttered in a legislative body." In this speech he reviewed the whole case from the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill up to the time of the attack on Lawrence. He criticized the administration and attacked his opponents in the most bitter language, especially Senators Butler of South Carolina and Douglas of Illinois. The former had "chosen a mistress to whom he has made his vows, and who, though ugly to others, is always lovely to him; though polluted in the sight of the world, is chaste in his sight; I mean the harlot Slavery." Douglas had used language in denouncing Sumner that brought forth the reply that "no person with the upright form of a man" could be allowed "to switch out from his tongue the perpetual stench of offensive personality. Sir, that is not a proper weapon of debate, at least on this floor. The noisome, squat, and nameless animal to which