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Mr. Kruger arriving at Marseilles.


with what has been effected by the mission of Paul Kruger. For everywhere and always the old President has but one word to say. He pleads for Arbitration. The war was forced upon him by the scornful refusal of the British Government to arbitrate the dispute; and now that the war has been raging for fifteen months, he comes to the capitals of Europe to remind the nations of their solemn declarations at The Hague, and to invoke their friendly intervention, sanctioned by the Convention of Arbitration, on behalf of his sorely tried but indomitable nation. "Cui bono?" the sceptic will say. Commis Voyageur "What's the use of advertising the for the existence of the Hague Convention Hague Convention. when nothing can come of it, or of exciting hopes doomed only to disappointment?" To which the reply is that although it would undoubtedly be better if the appeal to the Hague Convention were immediately followed by cessation of the war, it will still be a distinct gain to wake up the mind of the great public to the existence of the Hague Convention, even although the policy of Germany should render it of none effect. In some ways there is reason to believe that the immediate thwarting of the popular demand will tend to intensify the popular belief in the value of the boon which it is denied. All the misery and loss and evil resulting from this war will be set down, and rightly

set down, to the refusal to settle the trouble by Arbitration. The great gain is that the most conspicuous, and in the popular estimation everywhere outside the British Empire, the most heroic, figure on the world's stage in the closing year of the nineteenth century proclaims aloud that if his appeal to the Hague Convention had been heard last year there would have been no war, and that if the signatories of that Convention would but use their friendly offices even now the threatened extinction of his nationality would be averted. Hence on his authority and in reliance upon his evident sincerity the millions of Europe will realise as they never did before that the Hague Convention is a sacred ark of the covenant filled with unspeakable blessings for mankind. Who could have hoped for so blessed a result from this appalling crime in South Africa as the despatch of President Kruger as a commis voyageur for Arbitration through the cities of the Continent?

President Kruger arrived at Marseilles President Kruger's on Thursday, November 22nd, and Reception. met with the most enthusiastic reception which has been accorded to any foreigner in France in the memory of living man. Mr. Michael Davitt, who was present on the occasion, assures me that in his long and varied experience of enthusiastic receptions he never saw anything approaching to the spontaneity and the emotion displayed when the great southern seaport of France rose to welcome him who, more than any living man, incarnated to them the great ideals of liberty, independence, and patriotism. Of course the Jingoes curl their lips in scorn, and are quite positive that all mankind outside these islands are utterly mistaken. But even they have been compelled to recognise the overwhelming demonstrations of popular enthusiasm with which the President has been hailed not only at Marseilles, but at every other station on his route through Europe. They cannot deny that the opinion of the civilised world is dead against us, and that President Kruger, despite all his shortcomings, has become a world-wide hero who, in the affection and admiration of the

nations, has succeeded to the place so long occupied that he refused to help him-has not raised the by Garibaldi.

Kaiser in the opinion either of his subjects or of the rest of Europe. It is the first time he has ever shown a lack of that moral courage which has always distinguished the House of Hohenzollern. Being thus rebuffed by his former correspondent, President Kruger has turned his face towards Holland, where he will be received by the Dutch as the hero of their race. But it does not really matter to what part of Europe the old President turns his steps-the whole population, rich and poor, aristocrat and democrat, rises to its feet, doffs its hat, and salutes in him the heroic champion of the great popular ideals of the century. Our Jingoes may not relish this, they may sneer at it, and even profess to like it, but in his heart of hearts there is no man amongst us who does not recognise in this spontaneous and universal acclamation of President Kruger by all the nations of Europe the most emphatic condemnation of English policy that has ever been recorded by the democracy of Europe.

President Kruger has appealed to the Hague Convention not for arbitration, but for mediation. Mediation during war-time is expressly suggested in the first section of the Arbitration Convention as a means of obtaining.peace. It is affirmed that the offer of such mediation "shall not be regarded as an unfriendly act." It is understood that France and Russia would be only too glad to

But Kruger is much more than Garibaldi. Garibaldi, at his best, was always looked at askance by the governing classes. President Kruger's reception in France showed that from the President down to the gamins the whole nation thrilled responsive to his appeals. The story of Mr. Kruger's twelve months' War of Independence had prepared the ground, and the dignified bearing, the reserve, the genuine conviction and exalted eloquence with which he responded to their assurances of sympathy, intensified. the general impression to an extraordinary extent. In his tour through France, it may be said of Mr. Kruger as was said of our own Charles Stuart when mounting the scaffold: "he nothing common did or mean, upon that memorable scene." It was a great ordeal, and President Kruger came through with unexpected success, and in justice it may be said that the French people excelled themselves in the combination of admiring enthusiasm and of scrupulous reserve. The demonstrations in favour of Mr. Kruger passed off without either word or deed calculated to strain the relations between England and France. That was in itself no mean achievement, and one on which the whole French nation, from the highest to the lowest, deserve to be heartily congratulated.

The Kaiser's

When President Kruger left Paris on a somewhat impulWhite Feather. sive journey to Berlin, the same demonstrations of enthusiasm followed him at every station, both in Belgium and in Germany. The fact that William II. for once showed the white feather, and feared to face the old President, alleging a previous engagement, in no way damped the popular enthusiasm in Germany. The Kaiser has gone a-hunting, and from that important avocation he could not snatch a moment, even to receive the President to whom he despatched his famous telegram after the Jameson Raid. This combination of discourtesy and cowardice-for, after all, if he had decided that nothing could be done, a brave man would have seen the President, and told him face to face

A Tribute

to France.

Westminster Gazette]

Why not Mediate?

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Brer Rabbit Turns up Again.

Bimeby Brer Fox hear somebody making er monstus fuss, en way cross the yuther side er de creek he see Brer Rabbit skippin' des ez lively ez a cricket, en twistin' his mustars en wavin' his hankycher. Den Brer Fox feel like he bin swop off mighty bad.

Westminster Gazette.]

Mr. Chamberlain and Moses.

"Good heavens! Can that be Kruger?"

[Mr. Chamberlain, with his wife and son, yesterday morning visited the churches of St. John Lateran, Santa Maria Maggiore, and San Pietro in Vincoli, where he stayed for some time admiring the celebrated statue of Moses by Michael Angelo.-The Times, November 20th, 1900.]

offer their mediation if Germany would consent to take part in this effort to bring the war to a close. The Kaiser, however, having succeeded in developing a blood feud in South Africa between the two races whose union might threaten the safety of German colonies, is not yet convinced that German interests demand a change in his attitude. It is open to any Power to offer mediation, but if a mediation were offered by all the Powers, it would be difficult for England to treat the appeal with disregard. But with Germany in her present mood there is no hope of this. It remains, therefore, to be discussed whether the small Powers might not make a collective remonstrance and suggestion. Such a remonstrance, coupled with a suggestion for mediation in the interests of peace, if emanating from the small Powers, need not be regarded by this country as partaking of the nature of menace. Undoubtedly, if the great Powers united in proffering mediation, English pride would revolt against it. If Holland, Belgium, the Scandinavian States, and the other small Powers were to remonstrate against the extinction of a nationality as the penalty of conquest, and offer their services to put a term to the war which is costing us so dear, Lord Salisbury might reject the offer, but the experiment

is worth while trying. The small, nations are most interested in this matter. Equally with the great Powers, they have signed the Hague Convention. They have as much right to speak on behalf of nationality and independence as the great empires, if not somewhat more; and national feeling runs so high in Holland and Belgium that it is possible some such representation may be made. If so it would bring out more clearly than ever the extent to which England, under the present Government, has forfeited her old position as leader and champion of the smaller nationalities of Europe.


is "Over."

While President Kruger is receiving The War which the homage which mankind is slow to pay to any but those rare souls who emerge but once or twice in the century to defend the aspirations and offer themselves a living sacrifice for the cherished ideals of the race, the ubiquitous De Wet has carried the war into the enemy's camp by suddenly reappearing upon the extreme southern border of the Orange Free State. Almost the last despatch which Lord Roberts sent home before leaving the seat of war was to admit another of those humiliating defeats which have done so much to destroy British prestige. A force of 451 men and two guns was defeated and captured by De Wet at Dewetsdorp, after a fight in which only fourteen had been killed and about fifty wounded. It was recorded as a great achievement that some of our generals had headed De Wet off from invading the Cape Colony, where the Afrikander feeling is red-hot with indignation at the stories, universally circulated and as universally believed, concerning the atrocities alleged to have been committed by our troops upon the women in the Transvaal. Personally I do not think there is any evidence to justify the popular Afrikander belief that the Dutch women have been subjected to the worst outrage at the hands of our soldiers. I was very glad to learn that the investigation on the spot in Natal has led to a disproof of a specific charge made concerning the alleged violation of the women of the Besters' household. When this charge was brought before the world in Parliament, Ministers refused to investigate it, with the result that it continued to pass current. Fortunately a bishop in Natal showed more regard for the reputation of the British Army than the Ministers at home, and he obtained and published an explicit refutation of the calumny from the father-in-law of Mr. Bester. But while there is no evidence as to the violation of Dutch women by the troops, and much evidence as to the good behaviour of the latter, there

is too much reason to fear that the women left penniless, without arms, in the midst of the Kaffir population, have suffered horrible wrongs, the telling of which has almost goaded the Cape Colonists into revolt. Matters have come to a pretty pitch when a Cape Member of Parliament can write a letter imploring the Queen to kill the women outright, to save them from

The inexpiable wrong, the unutterable shame That turns the coward's heart to steel, the sluggard's blood to flame.

It is evident that, although we have still nearly 200,000 men in South Africa, we are still as far as ever from being in effective occupation of the territories we have annexed on paper. In sheer desperation we are proceeding to devastate the country. Whole districts are being laid waste by fire; and not being able to capture or kill the Boers, we are And making prisoners of their women and children. this is done by the direct orders of Lord Roberts, who is returning from Africa, leaving behind him one of the greatest failures which have ever been associated with the British arms. Lord Roberts, they say, was a humane man. So was Robespierre. Colonel Hanna has reminded us that, in Afghanistan, Lord Roberts was the only general who violated the usages of civilised war in punishing the innocent when he was unable to reach the guilty. He has carried out the same principle in South Africa, with disastrous results.

The Humanity of Lord Roberts.

Lord Brougham, on a famous occasion, was said to have circulated a report of his death, in order that he might read the obituary notices which promptly appeared next day in all the papers. The Emperor of Russia has had a somewhat similar advantage last month, thanks to an attack of typhoid fever, which compelled Europe to contemplate the possibility of his disappearance. Not until then did Europe adequately realise how much it owes to Nicholas II. The practice of ordering prayers in churches for specific objects has gone out of fashion, partly from the growing scepticism of the age and partly because it is seldom that Christendom is sufficiently earnest about any one subject, save the attainment of material comfort, to pray about it. If, however, the general sentiment had found expression in the old channels, there is not a church in Christendom-Greek, Roman, or Protestantwhich would not have put up prayers for the recovery of the Emperor of Russia. The mere thought that his malady might have a fatal issue was a nightmare

The Tsar's Illness

to the Cabinets of Europe. Fortunately, his illness ran a regular course, and he is now convalescent. When he is well enough to cast his eye over the comments of the Press of the world, he would be more than human if he were not to experience a certain complacent pride in seeing how universally mankind recognised his worth, and his value to the world.

After the mission of President Kruger


Count von Bülow's and the illness of the Emperor, the chief Continental event has been the debut of Count von Bülow. The new German Chancellor made his first appearance in his new office at the opening of the Reichstag, and has had a most favourable reception. The Reichstag was inclined to be irritable, on the ground that the Emperor had taken action in China without consulting the representatives of the German people, as he was bound by the Constitution to have done. Count von Bülow, remembering the proverb about the soft answer which turneth away wrath, apologised for the infraction of the Constitution, and even asked for a bill of indemnity from the offended deputies. It is so unusual for a German Chancellor to apologise or to ask for indemnities that the Reichstag forgave him on the spot, and he gained more in a moment by conciliation than he could have done by a month of bullying. He also did his best to defend and explain away the astonishing speeches of the Kaiser. The "No Quarter" speech was tacitly admitted to be indefensible, but it was excused on the ground that the Kaiser was suffering from the ungovernable emotion occasioned by the news of the killing of his Ambassador and the report that the whole of the Legations had been massacred. In dealing with his various assailants the Count displayed the cheery good-humour and the straightforward candour which have distinguished him in diplomacy, and which proved equally successful in Parliament. But with all his skill he could not remove the disagreeable impression that the German troops in China have been carrying out but too faitafully the counsel given by the Kaiser in his Attila speech. The German War Minister, who was subjected to a very salutary dressing down by Herr Bebel, informed the Reichstag that if the Chinese were being massacred, it was a punishment for the crimes and for the atrocities committed by the Huns upon Europe several centuries ago! Since the French Revolutionists set out to punish the Pope for Cæsar's crimes, nothing quite so ridiculous has been heard in our time. There were the usual declarations as to the

humanity of the German soldier, the usual appeals to patriotic sentim nt, and all the rest of the dust which is thrown in the eyes of those who are calling attention to outrages which will not bear investigation. Despite all their questioning, neither Herr Bebel nor any of the other deputies could extort from the Government any explicit answer to their challenge to produce the orders given to the German soldiers in China by the commanding officer.

Affairs in China are still dragging on. The negotiations make little progress, although it is very clear that America and Russia have taken the very sensible line of refusing to be dragged at the heels of Germany in pursuing a policy of vengeance. They object to demanding the execution of the Ministers as a condition precedent to the re-establishment of peaceful relations; they object to the levying of a huge indemnity, the attempt to collect which would intensify popular irritation against the foreigner, and they refuse. to pursue the Empress to Singan. It would seem as if Lord Salisbury had tied himself up with Germany in this business, which is much to be regretted. Count von Bülow in his explanation to the Reichstag of the Anglo-German agreement, made it out to be a great victory for Germany, as it secured her equal rights in the Yangtse Valley with Great Britain. Our natural ally in China is Russia, not Germany; and it is at least satisfactory that the larger half of the Englishspeaking race has recognised that fact, and is acting upon it in a sensible, business-like fashion.

The Situation

in China.

The news which arrives by every mail from China is calculated to make Europeans hang their heads for shame. Universal loot seems to be the rule in Pekin. The representatives of the great Powers which at The Hague solemnly forbade the seizure of private property, have looted the capital of China, a country with which they are not technically at war. They have done this in the most cold-blooded manner possible, and the sales of looted property take place every day, except Sunday, in the p esence of the British Ambassador and British Generals. The other nations are equally busy. We have flung aside the garb of civilisation, and are acting like our piratical ancestors in the days of the Vikings. Civilisation is but skin-deep, and the restraints which conscience endeavours to place up on the human brute have snapped under the s.rain of events in China. And yet, although we nave seized their capital, looted their palaces, and driven their Emperor and Empress and the whole

Looting Pekin.

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Court to seek refuge in a distant city, there are still people who consider that we have not executed sufficient vengeance for the mutiny of the Boxers and the killing of an Ambassador !

But looting is by no means the only crime in which the Western world appears to be indulging in China, Military operations conducted against populations which refuse to be made to fight seem to be the order of the day round about Pekin. Prisoners are first ill-treated and then shot; women are given up to outrage; and every kind of horror prevails in the territory cursed by the presence of the European troops. From the Amur in Manchuria come melancholy stories of the massacre of the Chinese by the Russians, who at first appear to have been panicstricken lest they should be kept out by the Chinese. All men, when confronted with the alternative to kill or be killed, prefer to kill; and the Russians, alarmed by the Chinese rising, appear to have killed some thousands of Yellow men. The greatest destruction of life seems to have taken place at Blagovestchenk, where the most astonishing stories have been current as to the cold-blooded fashion in which some thousands of Chinese were slaughtered by the Cossacks. These stories appear to have been greatly exaggerated. What happened, so far as can be ascertained from the conflicting accounts, was that a body of some 6,000 Chinese, whose presence in Blagovestchenk was regarded as a peril to the Russians, who had only a handful of soldiers to defend them, were ordered to cross the river. They were put on board rafts, some of which were overcrowded, and sank in the stream. The Chinese on the other bank, thinking that it was a hostile force advancing to attack, opened fire upon the unfortunate fugitives, so what with the river and the bullets of their own countrymen, the destruction of life was very great. From the correspondent of the Novoe Vremya it would seem that the Russian soldiers killed out the Chinese inhabitants in several other villages. These stories may be exaggerated, or they may be false; but in any case they call for prompt investigation, and should it appear that the troops have got out of hand, it may be expected that stern punishment will be exacted for their misdeeds. Not only would such a course be demanded by humanity, but the Russian Government would be singularly blind to its own interests not to afford the other nations an example, especially England and Germany, which at present have very much need of it, of the severity



Russia's Opportunity.

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