FRENCH MISSION TO THE UNITED STATES-RECEPTION OF GENET.

Er. 61.]
America inclined to take them. "They sup-
pose," writes Morris, "that the avidity of some
adventurers may lead them into measures which
would involve altercations with Great Britain,
and terminate finally in a war."

Genet's conduct proved the correctness of
this information. He had landed at Charles-
ton, South Carolina, from the French frigate
the Ambuscade, on the 8th of April, a short
time before the proclamation of neutrality, and
was received with great rejoicing and extrava-
gant demonstrations of respect. His landing
at a port several hundred miles from the seat
of
government, was a singular move for a dip-
lomat; but his object in so doing was soon evi-
dent. It is usual for a foreign minister to pre-
sent his credentials to the government to which
he comes, and be received by it in form before
he presumes to enter upon the exercise of his
functions. Citizen Genet, however, did not
stop for these formalities. Confident in his
nature, heated in his zeal, and flushed with the
popular warmth of his reception, he could not
pause to consider the proprieties of his mission
and the delicate responsibilities involved in
'diplomacy. The contiguity of Charleston to
the West Indies made it a favorable port for
fitting out privateers against the trade of these
islands; and during Genet's short sojourn there
he issued commissions for arming and equipping
vessels of war for that purpose, and manning
them with Americans.

713

seen reversed, and the French flying above them, they burst into peals of exultation. I wish we may be able to repress the spirit of the people within the limits of a fair neutrality. We expect Genet daily."

A friend of Hamilton writes in a different vein. Speaking of Genet, he observes: "He has a good person, a fine ruddy complexion, quite active, and seems always in a bustle, more like a busy man than a man of business. A Frenchman in his manners, he announces himself in all companies as the minister of the republic, etc., talks freely of his commission, and, like most Europeans, seems to have adopted mistaken notions of the penetration and knowledge of the people of the United States. His system, I think, is to laugh us into the war if he can."

On the 16th of May, Genet arrived at Philadelphia. His belligerent operations at Charleston had already been made a subject of complaint to the government by Mr. Hammond, the British minister; but they produced no abatement in the public enthusiasm. "It was suspected," writes Jefferson, "that there was not a clear mind in the President's counsellors to receive Genet. The citizens, however, determined to receive him. Arrangements were taken for meeting him at Gray's Ferry, in a great body. He escaped that, by arriving in town with the letters which brought information that he was on the road."*

In the latter part of April, Genet set out for On the following day, various societies and the north by land. As he proceeded on his a large body of citizens waited upon him with journey, the newspapers teemed with accounts addresses, recalling with gratitude the aid given of the processions and addresses with which by France in the achievement of American inhe was greeted, and the festivities which cele- dependence, and extolling and rejoicing in the brated his arrival at each place. Jefferson, in success of the arms of the French republic. a letter to Madison written from Philadelphia On the same day, before Genet had presented on the 5th of May, observes with exultation: his credentials and been acknowledged by the "The war between France and England seems President, he was invited to a grand republican to be producing an effect not contemplated. dinner, "at which," we are told, “the comAll the old spirit of 1776, rekindling the news-pany united in singing the Marseilles hymn. papers from Boston to Charleston, proves this; A deputation of French sailors presented themand even the monocrat papers are obliged to selves, and were received by the guests with publish the most furious philippics against Eng- the 'fraternal embrace.' The table was decoland. A French frigate* took a British prize rated with the 'tree of liberty,' and a red cap, [the Grange] off the Capes of Delaware the called the cap of liberty, was placed on the other day, and sent her up here. Upon her head of the minister, and from his travelled in coming into sight, thousands and thousands of succession from head to head round the table.” † the yeomanry of the city crowded and covered the wharves. Never was there such a crowd seen there; and when the British colors were

The Ambuscade.

This enthusiasm of the multitude was regarded with indulgence, if not favor, by Jefferson, as being the effervescence of the true

* Letter to Madison, Works, iii. 662.

↑ Jay's Life, vol. i., p. 301.

714 DEPRECATIONS OF HAMILTON-GENET PRESENTS HIS LETTER OF CREDENCE. [1798.

Washington, from his elevated and responsible situation, endeavored to look beyond the popular excitement, and regard the affairs of France with a dispassionate and impartial eye, but he confessed that he saw in the turn they had lately taken the probability of a terrible confusion, to which he could predict no certain issue: a boundless ocean whence no land was to be seen. He feared less, he said, for the cause of liberty in France from the pressure of foreign enemies, than from the strifes and quar rels of those in whose hands the government was intrusted, who were ready to tear each other to pieces, and would more probably prove the worst foes the country had.

spirit of liberty; but was deprecated by Ham- | real resemblance between what was the cause ilton as an infatuation that might "do us much of America and what is the cause of France; harm, and could do France no good." A let-that the difference is no less great than that ter, written by him at the time, is worthy of between liberty and licentiousness. I regret full citation, as embodying the sentiments of whatever has a tendency to confound them, that party of which he was the leader. "It and I feel anxious, as an American, that the cannot be without danger and inconvenience ebullitions of inconsiderate men among us to our interests, to impress on the nations of may not tend to involve our reputation in the Europe an idea that we are actuated by the issue."* same spirit which has for some time past fatally misguided the measures of those who conduct the affairs of France, and sullied a cause once glorious, and that might have been triumphant. The cause of France is compared with that of America during its late revolution. Would to Heaven that the comparison were just! Would to Heaven we could discern, in the mirror of French affairs, the same decorum, the same gravity, the same order, the same dignity, the same solemnity, which distinguished the cause of the American revolution! Clouds and darkness would not then rest upon the issue as they now do. I own I do not like the comparison. When I contemplate the horrid and systematic massacres of the 2d and 3d of September; when I observe that a Marat and a Robespierre, the notorious prompters of those bloody scenes, sit triumphantly in the convention, and take a conspicuous part in its measures-that an attempt to bring the assassins to justice has been obliged to be abandoned—when I see an unfortunate prince, whose reign was a continued demonstration of the goodness and benevolence of his heart, of his attachment to the people of whom he was the monarch, who, though educated in the lap of despotism, had given repeated proofs that he was not the enemy of liberty, brought precipitately and ignominiously to the block without any substantial proof of guilt, as yet disclosed-without even an authentic exhibition of motives, in decent

regard to the opinions of mankind; when I find the doctrines of atheism openly advanced in the convention, and heard with loud applauses; when I see the sword of fanaticism extended to force a political creed upon citizens who were invited to submit to the arms of France as the harbingers of liberty; when I behold the hand of rapacity outstretched to prostrate and ravish the monuments of religious worship, erected by those citizens and their ancestors; when I perceive passion, tumult, and violence usurping those seats, where reason and cool deliberation ought to preside, I acknowledge that I am glad to believe there is no

CHAPTER XX.

On the 18th of May, Genet presented his letter of credence to the President; by whom, notwithstanding his late unwarrantable proceedings at Charleston, he was well received; Washington taking the occasion to express sincere regard for the French nation.

his

Jefferson, who, as Secretary of State, was of France, roused by Genet's diplomatic speech. present, had all his warm sympathies in favor

"It was impossible," writes he to Madison, "for any thing to be more affectionate, more sion. We wish you to do nothing,' said he, magnanimous, than the purport of Genet's misbut what is for your own good, and we will do all in our power to promote it. Cherish

your own peace and prosperity. You have liberal commerce with us; I bring full powers expressed a willingness to enter into a more of the National Convention to lay open our to form such a treaty, and a preliminary decree country and its colonies to you, for every pur burthens of maintaining and defending them. pose of utility, without your participating the We see in you, the only person on earth who

* Hamilton's Works, v. 566.

ET. 61.] EXPOSTULATIONS OF WASHINGTON-RESTITUTION OF CAPTURED VESSELS. 715

can love us sincerely, and merit to be so loved.' | and effects of this free press, and seen that, In short, he offers every thing, and asks nothing."

716

DISSATISFACTION OF GENET-WASHINGTON CALLED TO MOUNT VERNON. [1798. . tions of natural right, and subversive of the ex- | right of French citizens, if they have lost that isting treaties between the two nations. His of American citizens." letter, though somewhat wanting in strict decorum of language, induced a review of the subject in the cabinet; and he was informed that no reason appeared for changing the system adopted. He was further informed that in the opinion of the executive, the vessels which had been illegally equipped, should depart from the ports of the United States.

Genet was not disposed to acquiesce in these decisions. He was aware of the grateful feelings of the nation to France: of the popular disposition to go all lengths short of war, in her favor; of the popular idea, that republican interests were identical on both sides of the Atlantic; that a royal triumph over republicanism in Europe, would be followed by a combination to destroy it in this country. He had heard the clamor among the populace, and uttered in Freneau's Gazette and other newspapers, against the policy of neutrality; the people, he thought, were with him, if Washington was not, and he believed the latter would not dare to risk his popularity in thwarting their enthusiasm. He persisted, therefore, in disregarding the decisions of the government, and spoke of them as a departure from the obligations it owed to France; a cowardly abandonment of friends when danger menaced.

The lofty and indignant tone of this letter had no effect in shaking the determination of government, or obtaining the release of the prisoners. Washington confesses, however, that he was very much harried and perplexed by the "disputes, memorials, and what not," with which he was pestered, by one or other of the powers at war. It was a sore trial of his equanimity, his impartiality, and his discrimination, and wore upon his spirits and his health. "The President is not well," writes Jefferson to Madison (June 9th); "little lingering fevers have been hanging about him for a week or ten days, and affected his looks most remarkably. He is also extremely affected by the attacks made and kept up on him, in the public papers. I think he feels these things more than any other person I ever yet met with. I am sincerely sorry to see them."

Jefferson's sorrow was hardly in accordance with the resolution expressed by him, to retain Freneau in his office, notwithstanding his incessant attacks upon the President and the measures of his government. Washington might well feel sensitive to these attacks, which Jefferson acknowledges were the more mischievous, from being planted on pópular ground, on the universal love of the people to France and its cause. But he was not to be deterred by personal considerations, from the strict line of his duty. He was aware that, in withstanding the public infatuation in regard to France, he was putting an unparalleled popularity at hazard; but he put it at hazard without hesitation; and, in so doing, set a magnanimous example for his suc

Another event added to the irritation of Genet. Two American citizens, whom he had engaged at Charleston, to cruise in the service of France, were arrested on board of the privateer, conducted to prison, and prosecutions commenced against them. The indignant feelings of Genet were vented in an extraordinary letter to the Secretary of State. When speak-cessors in office to endeavor to follow. ing of their arrest, "The crime laid to their charge," writes he-"the crime which my mind cannot conceive, and which my pen almost refuses to state-is the serving of France, and defending with her children the common glorious cause of liberty.

"Being ignorant of any positive law or treaty, which deprives Americans of this privilege, and authorizes officers of police arbitrarily to take mariners in the service of France from on board of their vessels, I call upon your intervention, sir, and that of the President of the United States, in order to obtain the immediate releasement of the above-mentioned officers, who have acquired, by the sentiments animating them, and by the act of their engagement, anterior to any act to the contrary, the

CHAPTER XXI.

In the latter part of July, Washington was suddenly called to Mount Vernon by the death of Mr. Whiting, the manager of his estates. During his brief absence from the seat of government, occurred the case of the LITTLE SARAH. This was a British merchant vessel which had been captured by a French privateer, and brought into Philadelphia, where she had been armed and equipped for privateering; manned with one hundred and twenty men, many of them Americans, and her name changed into that of Le Petit Democrat. This, of course,

ÆT. 61.] CASE OF THE LITTLE SARAH—JEFFERSON'S INTERVIEW WITH GENET. was in violation of Washington's decision, which | writes he, "at the subject of calling Congress; had been communicated to Genet.