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protection, where a negro could not be a witness in a court of Justice, the reflecting mind will be able to form a correct estimate of the moral condition of both blacks and whites growing out of this institution of slavery.

While idleness, ignorance, license, and the exercise of unrestrained, and irresponsible power growing out of slavery produced its legitimate effects, demoralization, licentiousness, and vice of all kinds, and rapiilly reduced a noble race of inen, capable of the sublime heroism, and self-clenial of the Revolution, to that of a semi-barbarous condition, there were many exceptions, and localities, where the institution was patriarchal in its character, and where the high moral character of the masters, with leisure, means, and tuste for intellectual culture, produced a high order of men.

There were localities at the South where existed the most attractive and charming illustrations of social culture and refinement. There were families who regarded their position as masters, as responsible trusts; who felt themselves responsible to God for the moral and physical well-being of their dependants. There were to be found many philanthropiste and noble women in the slave States, who devoted themselves to the moral culture and well-being of their servants, with a philanthropy as devoted and self-sacrificing as any that sent the missionary to christianize heathen in foreign lands.

There also, were very many specimens of that genial hospitality, that kindness, grace, and refinement, which gave to social life, at the South, its proverbial charm.

But these were becoming more and more exceptional, as the degeneracy, and profligacy, resulting from slavery extended.

It is not in human nature to be born, reared, and live with a race, over which is exercised, unrestricted, irresponsible power, subsisting upon its uprequited toil, pampered by idleness, and license, without moral degradation.

Especially did slavery unfit the people of the South for the administration of Republican Government. It undermined the purity, simplicity and virtue which must ever be the basis of a successful Republic.

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The slaveholders, as a class, were tyrants, and loving to erercise power themselves, disregarded the rights of others, and the restraints of law. As a class, the slaveholders would gladly have changed the Government to that of an aristocracy or monarchy, so that it would have secured slavery. They verified the truth stated by Mr. Lincolo in, his letter, dated April, 1859, to the republicans of Boston, who celebrated Jefferson's birth-day. He said:

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This is a world, of compensation, and he who would be no slave, must consent to have no slave. Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for themselves, and under a Just Gori, cannot long retain it.

The degeneracy of the slaveholders, was exhibited but too often and too sadly, during the war. As a class, with many honorable exceptions, they were cruel, treacherous, and barbarous.

Now that slavery is extinct, the true manhood of the South will again arise, and regain its former position; we shall again see worthy successors of Washington, Madison, and Jefferson, in Virginia, and the South, who will arise and belp to rear, shape, and preserve that vast Continental Republic of justice, intelligence and virtue, which is now to arise.

But it is time to return to the sketch of that universal agitation of the slavery question which produced the slaveholder's rebellion, and in which this institution was to die, as the result of the war brought on by itself, and by which it songht to strengthen and perpetuate its power.

CHAPTER V.

LINCOLN FROM 1857 TO 1860 — TIE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS

DEBATES.

LINCOLN'S NOMINATION FOR THE SENATE Flis SPRINGFIELD

SPEECH —HE CHALLENGES Douglas TO JOINT DiscusSION DOUGLAS ACCEPTS --THE DEBATE — TJE MEETING AT I'REEPORT -SPEECH AT COLUMBUS—AT CINCINNATI-AT COOPER INSTITUTE -THE “RAIL-SPLITTER.”

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PERHAPS, the man to whom Abraham Lincoln was more

indebted for his greatness and his fame, than any other, was his great political rival, Stephen A. Douglas. Mr. Lincoln said, on one occasion, in 1856, of Mr. Douglas, “ Twenty-two years ago, Judge Douglas and I, first becarne acquainted; we were both young theu -- he a triflo younger than I. Even then we were both ambitious, I, perhaps, quite as much as he. With me, the race of ambition has been a failure-a flat failure. With him, it lias been one of splendid success. His name fills the Nation, and it is not unknown in foreign lands. I affect no contempt for the high eminence he has reached; so reached that the oppressed of my species might have shared with me in the elevation, I would rather stand on that eminence, than wear the richest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow.” These grcat men, alike self-made, self-educated, coming early in life to Illinois, soon became leaders, each of his party. Lincoln had contended for supremacy, in generous emulation with Hardin, Baker, Browning, Logan, and Trumbull. Douglas had had keen rivals in Brecse, Shields, Young, McClernand, and others; but in 1857, each was confessedly, the leader of his party in Illinois. No two men were ever more unlike. Physically and mentally, they were contrasts. Lincoln was the real,

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literal, physical giant; Douglas was “the Little Giant," in person, but a real giant in intellect, as has already been stated. Douglas was bold, unflinching, impetuous, denunciatory, and determined; possessing in an eminent degree, those qualities which create personal popularity; and he was ever the idol of his friends. His iron will, indomitable energy, firm faith in himself and his cause, united with frank, genial, magnetic manners; familiar, accessible and generous, made him altogether one of the strongest men in the Nation. These two men, as has been stated, were members of the Illinois Legislature together, as early as 1836.

Douglas had distinguished himself as an able debater and controversialist, in Illinois, in the House of Representatives, and in the Senate of the United States. His position on the slavery question had not been consistent. He had voted for the Wilmot proviso, and to extend the Missouri compromise line across Texas. He finally settled down upon the position of “popular sovereignty,” or “squatter sovereignty” as it was called; that is, that the people of each territory should settle the slavery question for themselves. It being, as he declared, his true intent and meaning, “not to legislate slavery into any State or territory, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof, perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.” As already stated, he had reported and carried through Congress, the bill to repeal the Missouri Compromise. When Mr. Buchanan's adminis. tration became a party to the conspiracy to force Kansas to become a slave State, Douglas was faithful to this principle, and defended the right of the people, to decide freely and fairly, the question for themselves. This brought him in collision with Buchanan and the slave power, and the slave leaders in the Senate sought to degrade him, by removing him from the Chairmanship of the Committee on Territories. He aided effectually in defeating the scheme to force a proslavery Constitution upon Kansas.

His Senatorial term was drawing near its close, and in July, 1858, he came home to enter upon the canvass, for reëlection. In June, 1858, the Republican State Convention met at Springfield, and nominated, with perfect unanimity, and amidst the greatest enthusiasm, Abraham Lincoln, as their candidate for the Senate. The speech which Mr. Lincoln made on that occasion, brief as it is, is one of the most remarkable in American History. He gave so clear an exposition of the antagonism, and the “irrepressible conflict " between liberty and slavery, that his words immediately seized the attention of the whole Nation, and became historical. Up to that time his position on the slavery question, had not entirely satisfied the radical anti-slavery men of Northern Illinois. But when that philosophic specch was pronounced, one of the most radical men present exclaimed, “ Lincoln is right in principle, if he is not quite up to us in details;" the man who plants himself on a great principle, will soon be right on all details. Governor Seward, afterwards, at Rochester, New York, October 25th, 1858, expressed the same idea, in words which have also become memorable. “It is,” said he, “ an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States will sooner or later become either an entirely slaveholding Nation, or an entirely free labor Nation.” The speech of Mr. Lincoln is the text of the great debate between himself and Douglas, and its importance demands its insertion :

MR. PRESIDENT, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. “A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved – I do not expect the house to fall – but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arres the further spread of it, and place it whore the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forword, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new-North as well as South.

Have we no tendency to the latter condition ?

Let any one who doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination - piece of machinery, 80 to speak - compounded of the Nebraska doctrine, and the Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well adapted; but also let him study the history of its constrnction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, ii' he can, to trace the evidences of design, and concert of action, among its chief architects, from the beginning.

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