been long in Congress, in both Houses, and had been Speaker of the House of Representatives. In everything except the slavery question, he was a sound, honest, and practical legislator. In the rebel Senate, he was a tower of strength to the Confederacy. When he rebelled, he had large possessions in lands and negroes and mills in the Peninsula; but when he returned to his home, he found his negroes fled, his mills burned, his farms ravaged; and he must have been startled, when he beheld around him the ruin that had been wrought while he was warring upon the flag of his country.

On the morning of the 3d day of March, at five o'clock, the bill finally passed the Senate by a vote of 37 to 14. Mr. Seward, at a late hour of the night, said to his brother Senators, "The shifting sands of compromise are passing from under my feet, and they are now taking hold again on the Constitution." He said while he would not have voted for the compromise of 1820, he would not, himself, have disturbed it. "Through all the darkness and gloom of the present hour," he continued, "bright stars are breaking that inspire me with hope and excite me to persevere. They show that the day of compromise has passed forever, and that henceforth all great questions between freedom and slavery shall be decided, as they ought to be, on their merits."

Among the negatives, were two Southern men, John Bell and Sam Houston. The opposition of Bell, to the measure, was weakened by apologies and trimming, and those who knew him best, were not surprised to find him early in the rebellion, driven out of Nashville the second year of the war. Sam Houston, who proved himself "The noblest Roman of them all," made the last speech that was made in the Senate against the bill. It was a calm and temperate appeal not to disturb the Missouri Compromise, and filled with forebodings of evil in the event of the success of the measure.

In his peroration, he said "The proud symbol (pointing to the eagle) above your head, remains enshrouded in black as if deploring the misfortune that has fallen upon us, or as a fearful omen of future calamities, which await our Nation in

the event this bill should become a law. Above it, I behold the majestic figure of Washington, whose presence must forever inspire patriotic emotions, and command the admiration and love of every American heart. By these associations, I adjure you to regard the contract once made to harmonize and preserve this Union. Maintain the Missouri Compromise! Stir not up agitation! Give us peace!" "In the discharge of my duty, I have acted fearlessly. The events of the future are left in the hands of a wise Providence, and, in my opinion, on the decision which we make upon this question must depend union or disunion."

* * *

Prophetic words from patriotic lips! Sam Houston was a remarkable man, and the history of his eventful life is stranger than fiction. No one, who once saw him, particularly in his later years, could ever forgot the impression his presence inspired. He was very tall, straight as an arrow, and of most symmetrical proportions. His manner was kind and cordial, but dignified and impressive. He was slow of speech, but his conversation was fascinating to a remarkable degree. It was beautiful to behold the deference and gentleness with which this backwoodsman always treated the fair sex, therein evincing the highest instincts of a natural gentleman.

When the rebellion broke out, he was the Governor of Texas; little has been known of him since, except that he was true to the old flag to the last; but seeing his country distracted, discordant, belligerent, and drenched in fraternal blood, he died of a broken heart.

The bill having now passed the Senate, came to the House, and the struggle was renewed with increased violence.

The slave power, aided by the administration and democratic Senators of the free States, under the lead of Douglas, having forced the Kansas-Nebraska bill through the Senate, the struggle came on in the popular branch of Congress. The bill came down to the House on the 7th of March, and was taken charge of by Richardson, of Illinois, chairman of the Committee on Territories, who was the lieutenant of Douglas in the House. On the 21st of March, there was a test vote on referring the bill to the "Committee of the Whole

on the state of the Union," usually regarded as the receptacle
of dead projects in legislation. The bill was referred, by a
vote of 110 to 96. This was a great triumph of the anti-
Nebraska men.
But the friends of the bill were determined
to get at it, in some way, and so on the 8th of May, the
skirmishing commenced, which was the prelude to the great
battle that came off three days later. Richardson moved to
go into committee, for the purpose of taking up the bill, and
after a long struggle, the motion was carried, and all other
bills were laid aside until the Nebraska bill was reached. On
the next day, it was debated. On the day after, Richardson
moved a resolution to close debate, and resolutely proposed
to put on the screws of the previous question, and gag the
measure through. Flushed with their recent success, strong
in numbers, in talent, and above all, in the righteousness of
their cause, the anti-Nebraska members were ready and even
eager for the contest. Then commenced one of the longest
and most extraordinary sittings ever known in Congressional
annals.

The Nebraska men had secured a clear majority, and
evinced a determination to fight their bill through, without
further discussion or consideration. On the other hand, its
opponents were equally determined that they should not do
it. Then began what is called in Congressional phrase,
"fillibustering" by all the dilatory motions known to parlia-
mentary law: motions to adjourn, to adjourn over, to lay on
the table, to reconsider, to excuse members from voting, for
a call of the House, and other motions; upon all of which,
piled up, one after another, the ayes and noes were ordered,
preventing any action upon the question. A call of the
House is ordered, the doors of the House are closed, and no
member can get in or out without the leave of the House.
The sergeant-at-arms is sent to arrest the absent members,
who are brought in and arraigned to give their excuses to the
House like truant school boys. Motions to excuse are made,
followed by motions to dispense with further proceedings
under the call, to adjourn, etc., etc., interposed between brief
speeches interjected out of order, and amid cries of "order,"
"order,"
""order." Time wears on; the day passes and the

night passes, and the next day comes, and still the House is at a dead lock. The Nebraskaites determined still to force their measure through before an adjournment, while the other side is equally determined, that no vote shall be taken. The members are tired, sleepy, haggard, ill-natured, and they lounge and gape during the incessaut calls of the roll. On the second day, the anti-Nebraska men got fairly organized for their work, and, being on the defensive, were enabled to let some of their men go out for refreshment and sleep, while others stood guard, intrenched behind the defences of their scores of motions, piled one upon the other. But the other side being, as it were, the attacking party, could not spare a man. Under this arrangement, Mr. Benton left the House, and another call being ordered, he was arrested, brought in and called up before the Speaker for an excuse. He said, "It was neither on account of age nor infirmity that I was absent, for I never felt better. * * * I went away animus revertendi, intending to return, refreshed and invigorated, and take my share and sit it out; to tell the exact truth, to husband some strength for a pinch, when it should come, for I did not think we had yet got to the tightest place." Though a democrat, Mr. Benton was indignant at the attempt to violate compacts; his sagacious mind saw the dangers which would follow the passage of the bill, and he resisted, with all the ability and pluck of his best days. The second night comes, and Congress has been in session thirty hours. As an illustration of the endurance of members, Hon. E. B. Washburne states, that during all this time, he was never out of the House but once, and took but one meal, and slept one hour.

The chandeliers flashed their brilliant lights again over the hall. The clerks were hoarse with the continued roll call, but it still went on, each party resolved not to yield. Worn out with hunger, fatigue and watching, the members became more and more impatient and restless. At length Richardson realizes the full strength and determination of the anti-Nebraska men, and proposes terms of compromise. The universal answer was, "No, you are too late, we are determined you shall not force a vote on

your bill, and we will make no terms." Many of the slaveholders, who had been out to stimulate their decaying energies, now came into the House, filled with indignation at having, for the first time in their lives, been so long baulked in their object. There was renewed tumult and excitement. Then Alex. H. Stephens, (late rebel Vice-President,) the ablest man on that side of the IIouse, and the most skilful parliamentarian and tactician they had, sees the dilemma of Richardson. The enemies of the bill, realizing their advantage, became jubilant and defiant. Campbell, of Ohio, small in person, but full of pluck and spirit, saw the advantage and was not disposed to yield it. As a sort of general colloquy was going on, Mr. Campbell sought to make an inquiry, and was interrupted by Mr. Seward, of Georgia, saying, "I call the gentleman to order." (Cries of "order," from all parts of the House.)

Mr. Campbell, amid much confusion, said, "I shall resist this measure to the bitter end; I say so, never minding the gentleman who calls me to order." (Cries of order.) Mr. Seward: "There are other places, instead of this, where personal difficulties may be settled." (Members here crowded around Mr. Campbell-many even on the tops of the desks.)

Thus far the report of the Congressional Globe. Mr. Campbell was in one of the aisles.

After throwing defiance at Campbell, the fire-eaters from all parts of the House began to rush towards him. It was a fearful scene! Edmonson, of Virginia, a man of powerful build and violent temper, now inflamed by liquor, was among the foremost coming up, having his hand upon a bowie knife concealed under his vest. Bocock, late Speaker of the rebel House, an old member of Congress, and opposed to violence, interposed between his drunken and infuriated colleague and Mr. Campbell. At this time, Washburne, of Illinois, was on the top of the desk, determined, at any rate, to see what was going on, and ready to take a hand in, when a blow should be struck. The surging crowd, having been brought to a momentary stand, the undaunted little Campbell again got the floor.