1775.] CONCILIATION ATTEMPTED. 89 took their seats in the house. All bore faces of seriousness and resolve; many were clothed in hunting shirts, and brought with them the faithful rifles, which were afterwards to be companions in the field. Yet the proceedings were opened with due ceremony, and the Governor's address was more than usually courteous. He commended to their consideration the late resolutions of the House of Commons, in which Lord North professed to hold forth the olive branch to America, and to declare that all her real grievances should be removed. This "conciliatory plan" had been introduced by the Prime Minister on the 20th of February, and had at first surprised both the friends and foes of America. It provided that whenever the Legislature or General Court of any Colony should make due appropriation for bearing its part in the expenses of the kingdom, and for the support of its own rulers and officers, then it would be expedient that Great Britain should cease to tax such Colony. Had such a proposition been made at an early stage of the dispute, it might perhaps have calmed the colonists for a season, but now their eyes were open. None could fail to see that the plan offered no real remedy. It simply said, if you will tax yourselves for our benefit to the amount we require, we will not tax you; but the implication was irresistible, that, directly or indirectly, the tax was to be paid. Burk, iii. 421, 422; Skelton tion. The reader would do well to Jones, 18. examine it. See Bissett, 346–348; Belsham, vi. 118-124; Graham, iv. 389, 390; Gordon, i. 301, 302. This measure was one of the weakest of Lord North's administra In truth, the measure was but an insidious attempt to distract the Colonies, and rend asunder that union which was so formidable to the Ministry. Lord North did not conceal that such was his object; and his adherents in the House repeated his views. The bill became a law by a considerable majority. Virginia was not duped by this scheme. The House of Burgesses appointed a committee to examine it, who in a few days brought in a report adverse to the proposition. This able paper was from the pen of Thomas Jefferson, and it bears stamped upon its face the impress of his acute and powerful mind. It declared that the plan was rejected, because they had the right to give their money as they pleased, without coercion; because other grievances were left unredressed; because England had already invaded their country by sea and land; because free trade was not allowed to them; and, finally, because they would not treat without the concurrence of all the Colonies. The report concluded in a strain of eloquent asseveration, and in committing to the justice of Heaven the cause which could hope for nothing from the rulers of Britain.a Dunmore's conduct betrayed a strange mixture of presumption and wavering, of boasting and cowardice, of pretended firmness and real alarm. He had issued a proclamation speaking of Patrick Henry in most contemptuous terms, and warning all men to oppose him in his attempts to disturb Tucker's Jefferson, i. 72; Skelton Jones, 32-35. 1775.] FLIGHT OF DUNMORE. 91 the peace of the Colony; yet he yielded to the House when its members sought to investigate the affair of the gunpowder, and declared his readiness to render to them the key of the magazine. Deep, indeed, must have been the malignity which, under smiles and concessions, sought to cover a purpose of treachery and revenge. On the night of the 5th of June, several young men entered the magazine to procure arms. As they passed the door, a cord attached to it discharged a spring gun, and three of the party were severely wounded. One had his shoulder torn to pieces with small bullets, and another lost three fingers of his left hand. When this incident was made known, none doubted that the contrivance was by Dunmore's order, and popular feeling against him increased in violence. A committee of the House of Burgesses was appointed to search the magazine, and several barrels of powder were found buried under its floor, which were doubtless to be used as a mine, when the Governor thought proper to blow up the building and all who ventured into it. The indignation of the people was no longer concealed. The Assembly used every exertion to preserve order in the town, but it seemed impossible to prevent a rupture. Terrified by the consequences of his own conduct, and being in mortal fear for his life, at 2 o'clock on the morning of the 8th, Dunmore fled from the palace, and, in company with his wife and some of his domestics, took a Jones, 16; Wirt, 110. b Jones, 25; Wirt, 113; Purdie's Gazette. refuge on board the Fowey at Yorktown. He was of course accompanied by Foy, who feared the citizens hardly less than did the Governor himself. From this time until the 24th of June, messages were almost daily exchanged between the House of Burgesses and his lordship. Dunmore alleged as a reason for his flight, that he was no longer safe in Williamsburg, and that he had constant reason to fear personal violence. The House addressed to him several dignified missives, professing their readiness to unite with him in measures for quieting the country; but no persuasions would induce him to trust his precious person to their guardianship. Several bills of high importance were passed, among which was one making provision for the officers and soldiers in the late Indian war; but the Governor refused his assent, unless they would comply with his unreasonable demands. At length the dispute reached its height. On the 23d, Dunmore commanded the Burgesses to come in person on board the Fowey, and receive his assent to the bills which were ready. When this insolent order was made known, the Assembly threw off all reserve, and passed resolutions declaring that his command was "a high breach of their rights and privileges;" that his delays and evasions warned the people to prepare for defence; and that they bore true allegiance to his majesty King George, and would uphold his authority according to the "established laws and principles of the constitution." The correspondence between the Governor and the As a Skelton Jones, 54; Wirt, 117; Burk, iii. 426, 427. 1775.] LAST HOUSE OF BURGESSES. 93 sembly was now closed, never to be renewed; and in his absence the remaining bills were assented to by the Council. It will be proper at once to relate the final acts of the last House of Burgesses. They adjourned, first to the 12th of October, then to the first Thursday in March, 1776. At that time thirty-two members only appearing, they again adjourned to the 6th of May; and on that day, although a few members attended, they did no business, and soon dispersed. Such was the end of the Colonial Assembly of Virginia. It had been constituted in a reign of despotism-had served through seasons of gloom and oppression-had led the way in declaring principles of freedom, which sunk deeply into the hearts of America, and had only ceased to act when it was to be succeeded by a child more independent, though not more enlightened and courageous. With the death of the Assembly, the authority of the King passed away for ever in the Old Dominion. Before their first separation, the Burgesses had agreed to meet in convention at Richmond on the 17th of July; and accordingly they then assembled and commenced deliberations. The question of peace and war was no longer doubtful, and without delay, means were adopted for arming Virginia. Volunteers began to pour in on all sides; the dragoons of the tide-water counties, the riflemen of the west, and the young soldiers from the best families between the Blue Ridge and the Bay, were all in motion. The convention was too cumbrous a body to act with promptness, and therefore a Committee |