International Typographical Union. If the officers and men are not capable of conducting their business, then they should hire one of these fixers and pay him out of their own treasuries. Just so long as the organizer business is conducted as at present, just so long will general apathy prevail and the volunteer service, which is the only way to win, will be lacking. And just so long as that law is on the books the president will have to answer the demands of local unions which admit their incapacity to run their own business and yet cry for "local autonomy." Of course, I expect a storm of protest over this proposition, but I am prepared to defend it, and, if need be, to show the results in unions which have run their own business and those which have asked the president for outsiders to run it for them. In passing this for the present, I wish to say that we formerly had three American Federation of Labor organizers quartered in Denver. After we got rid of them we organized the town. It was impossible to do this while they were here for the same reasons as exist in Los Angeles.

Under "Salaries and Expenses," strike out all reference to the vice-president. This is to square with the second proposition.

Under "By-Laws," strike out section 3, referring to selection of place of meeting.

Under "By-Laws, "Duties of Officers," strike out all reference to organizers.

Under "By-Laws," strike out section 5, relating to organizers. Under this section Mr. Birdsall, our organizer, could have incurred an expense of over $3,000 had he so desired. It practically permits any organizer to spend the most of his time in Pullman palace and dining cars, and makes him a censor of local union affairs.

There was a new standing committee, called the appeals committee, provided for at the last convention at the request, I believe, of New Orleans Union. The idea was to take power from the president. It simply gives him five more appointments of men not delegates to attend the convention at International Typographical Union expense, and do that for which our delegates are paid. In the last analysis the convention decides the question. It should be repealed as useless and as a measure of economy.

A few years ago it was a custom for committees appointed by conventions to make reports in writing, and permit the next convention to act on these reports. Now the custom is for men who get on committees to present their reports in person, and the membership pays for these pleasant reunions. I believe the practice of giving these trips to the conventions should be abolished. If you do not believe it has been abused, scan the expense accounts after the annual meetings.

I know some of these matters have been voted on by the referendum, but in view of the fact that we have taken on ourselves obligations which will make our regular dues, local and International, 21⁄2 per cent, the saving spoken of is worthy of further consideration. Even if the money is collected, it could be returned to the membership's families through the burial fund; and a strong insurance feature would do more to bring the membership

to the 50,000 mark, and keep it there, than all the paid organizers we could put in the field.

I hope the members will take up the discussion of these questions, not only in THE JOURNAL, but in their unions. They are entirely impersonal, and should be dealt with in that manner. I have nothing but the highest regard for the personality of the officers and organizers I have referred to with whom I have acquaintance. But I believe the International Union is becoming topheavy with officers, organizers and committees, and it is time to call a halt. W. E. SHIELDS.

Denver, Colo.

TRADE UNIONISM-WHENCE IT CAME. Recently, an article in the columns of a labor publication, treating of trade unionism, fell under our notice, and from its perusal we gleaned the knowledge that in the earlier centuries conditions in the labor world existed that led workingmen, with a view to bettering their conditions, to organize into societies in order to obtain relief from oppression, and greed of the capitalist of those remote days. They evidently believed in the saying that "in union there is strength," and the efforts put forth by them brought the desired change for the time being at least, for, like a tidal wave, the movement swept from one country to another.

Passing over intervening years, we desire to speak of the subject forming the headline of our article, so far as it relates to the time when organized labor began its crusade and had its origin in our own land. The birth of the movement took place in the closing years of the seventeenth century-exact date we can not give-and was brought about through the banding together of a number of master and journeymen Philadelphia printers for mutual protection. Little is known of the history of this organization, except that its leading objects were to relieve its distressed membership, bury deceased brothers, and settle any disputes of a trade nature that might arise between employer and employe. The organization bore the title of the "Asylum Company," and this body of men may be regarded as the pioneers of the labor union movement in America.

However, in 1802 another organization was formed, composed of Philadelphia printers, on lines somewhat similar to those that guided the operations of the Asylum Company. This new union of masters and journeymen worked under their constitution and laws until about the year 1810, when it obtained a charter from the authorities, under the title of the Philadelphia Typographical Society. Having thus been made a legalized body, it was necessary that it eliminate its trade union feature and restrict itself to works of benevolence and charity. From January, 1810, it has carried on its work along these lines up to the present time, a period of more than 105 years. We think this society can justly claim to be the oldest of its kind in the country. Its career up to date has been one of credit and honor to itself and the craft it represents.

During its long life the benevolent spirit of this organization was not confined to its individual

membership, but was evidenced in other directions. When New York was suffering from a yellow fever scourge in 1803, this society donated something like $100 to their fellow craftsmen of that city, to aid them in the noble struggle they were making to stem the affliction that had fallen upon its people.

On the breaking out of the war of 1812, there came a call from the government for a loan of $11,000,000. Philadelphia Typographical Society was among the first to offer its widow's mite to the national government in response to the call, even going so far as to sell its stockholdings in the Philadelphia bank.

When the civil war of 1861 occurred, and volunteers were called for by the national government, the printer ranks of Philadelphia were decimated by a large number of the members forsaking their labors in the printshop, in order to evidence their patriotism by entering into the military serv ice in defense of the union. To such of those who were on its membership roll that went "to the front," the society, by virtue of a resolution, kept them in good standing, and relieved those dependent upon them from want during their ab

sence.

In 1831, the society by vote, owing to changed conditions, decided to disband, but was immediately reorganized, and the year following (1832) obtained a charter from the state that gave it increased powers, and forbade its disbandment so long as ten members were willing to continue it.

In 1842 the Franklin Typographical Association supplanted the trade union features of the society, adopting the scale of prices that up to this time had been in operation by the latter body, from the year of its adoption, 1836. The Franklin Typographical Association merged into that of Philadelphia Typographical Union No. 2 in 1850.

The records of the typographical society show acknowledgments of donations of money and land in aid of its praiseworthy objects, while upon its roll of membership appear the names of many of the leading men in business or social life, who at one time or another were engaged in printing or its allied crafts in our city. WILLIAM F. KNOTT. Philadelphia, Pa.

We are getting out souvenir postals in four colors, eight views in the series. Any member of the International Typographical Union who wants to help us put them where they will do the most good should address Theodore Douglas, at the union office, 76 Lafayette street, New York city.

We not only want the help of the whole membership, but we try to deserve it. Whenever and wherever we find a scab publication printed elsewhere we put the kibosh on it so far as we are able. There is a magazine called Current Events which furnishes an illustration. This four-page sheet is printed in Springfield by a rat concern,

and is circulated among school children. But, please the pigs, it will shortly stop circulating in Greater New York when certain measures now being taken are completed.

For the holidays we are getting out 150,000 special cards, very tastefully designed and lithographed in four colors, which we trust will put a few more nails in the Butterick coffin.

General agitation for the label is also actively engaged in by the committee above mentioned.

The man behind the gun in Butterick's is Charles W. Morse, and he has troubles of his own these days. Just mortgaged his house for $350,000. Wilder, the president of the rat institution, has just plastered a $90,000 incumbrance on his residence. The concern itself has passed the dividend due last month. Horribly prosperous the whole outfit must be. Yes! But that is just why there must be no let-up now, and why we are specially urging the whole International Typographical Union membership to get in. Unionize 'em or bust 'em.

Organizer Douglas has received communications from Toronto, Ont.; Detroit, Mich.; Roanoke, Va.; Anaconda, Mont., and St. Louis, Mo., showing that those unions are actively employed in getting Butterick patterns out of their local stores.

If any lady of your acquaintance subscribes for the Delineator, Designer or New Idea Magazine, explain why she should give them up.

Cut your cloth by any pattern except Butterick, Standard and New Idea, A. J. PORTENAR. New York, N. Y.

SOME INTERESTING FACTS.

The discussion at the present time of workingmen and union men entering politics brings to mind some interesting facts, that it is not a new thing for workingmen to enter the political arena and secure legislation for their benefit. In George E. McNeil's work, "The Labor Movement," we find some interesting reading on this same question. In 1828, in New York, legislation was demanded in the form of a mechanics' lien law, but it was not acted upon by the house. Prominent members of several labor organizations organized a working. men's party. At the state election in New York,

in 1829, a workingmen's ticket was put in the field. Several other tickets were nominated, of which the regular republican ticket was supposed to be the most popular, but at the close of the first day's voting the workingmen's ticket was found to be ahead of all others, and the New York papers expressed great alarm, and urged the people "to arouse themselves and oppose the ticket," which they did, and only one of the candidates on the workingmen's ticket was elected. The possibility of unseating this candidate was suggested, but the movement was unsuccessful. The workingmen's party continued, and newspapers were established in Rhode Island, Connecticut, Massachusetts and New York, and were strongly supported by the workingmen. The movement received such attention that the Hon. Edward Everett delivered a lecture commending the organization of the workingmen's party. A convention of farmers, mechanics

and other workingmen was held in Boston September 6, 1832. Two of the points submitted to the convention were the ten-hour system and calling a national convention of all workingmen.

Then the different trades organized unions and held meetings of their own, but they all became affiliated with the workingmen's party. The agitation for the ten-hour day was kept up, and President Van Buren issued a proclamation establishing the ten-hour day for all employes of the United States government in the navy yards. The New England Workingmen's Association was formed in March, 1845, and held its first convention in Boston. A resolution was adopted recommending associations in various election districts to question all candidates for office in respect to their willingness to support and advocate labor reform measures. Resolutions were adopted at the next convention to the effect that the resort to the polls was the only practical and effectual method that the workingmen could then adopt for the protection of their rights.

In those times, it seems that all the efforts were put forward through a distinctive labor party, the workingmen's party, for legislation for the betterment of conditions. Now the workingmen are affiliated with all the parties, and the demands for legislation are made through the legislative committees. The policy of the American Federation of Labor in going after those hostile to labor measures has, in a great number of cases, been successful. The defeat in Massachusetts of three senators who ducked or sidestepped the famous overtime bill, and also of the candidate for governor who vetoed it, was brought about by an extra effort on the part of the workingmen. The workingmen, as well as business men, should be interested in public affairs and matters especially affecting their interests, as others do, and keep posted and educate themselves along that line. P. H. MCMAHON. North Adams, Mass.

SOME GLEANINGS.

From an analysis of the referendum vote on the propositions to increase salaries of the president and secretary-treasurer, my text is: That the presi dent and secretary-treasurer have to thank the little unions for the increase in their salaries.

Only three unions-New York No. 6, Chicago No. 16 and Washington (Columbia No. 101)—had (or cast) more than 1,000 votes each, and all three of these unions cast majorities against the increase of salaries, in the aggregate 2,965 for and 3,555 against increase of president's salary, a majority of 590, while their vote on the secretary-treasurer's increase was 3,024 for and 3,539 against, a majority of 515. There was not a single union with as many as fifty votes that went solidly for the increase of either salary, and of unions with less than fifty votes only seven typographical subordinates went solidly against the third proposition and only six of them went solidly against the fourth proposition, while four German-American unions were solidly against the third and three solidly against the fourth; and of the mailers none were solidly against either the third or fourth proposi

tions. On the other hand, there were forty-two typographical, one German-American and three mailers' unions with less than fifty members that voted solidly for the third proposition, and "for" the fourth proposition forty-five typographicals, one German-American and two mailers with less than fifty members voted solidly. Newspaper Writers No. 9, of Milwaukee, voted solidly for both propositions.

Of course, there is a vast space between the "big three" and the unions with less than fifty members, but further investigation will show that even the unions occupying this space voted (as a rule) the larger ones for and the smaller ones against the propositions.

The aggregate vote of these forty-odd little unions that cast them solidly was 532 votes for the third proposition and 549 for the fourth, so it is plainly shown that these little unions gave a greater majority "for" the fourth proposition than the "big three" gave "against" it, and nearly as many for the third as the "big three" gave against it. However, this does not take any account of the little unions that voted solidly against both propositions. Their vote in the aggregate was 124 against the third proposition and 119 against the fourth.

If all of these little unions had voted solidly against instead of for these two propositions, both of them would have been defeated. And if only half of them had voted solidly against instead of for (or if all of them had voted half-and-half for and against), the third proposition would have been lost and the fourth carried; so I say, the president and secretary-treasurer of the International Typographical Union, both present and future, owe the success of these two propositions to the little unions. Honor to whom honor-and give the devil his due.

It also seems to me that with this view of the situation the result is illogical, because I think the unions of larger membership as a rule-should be better judges of what is the proper course for the International to pursue than small unions and isolated members.

Of 84 unions casting fifty votes or more, 43 casting majorities against the third proposition aggregated 5,467 for to 7,274 against-majority against, 1,807; while the majorities for this proposition by 41 unions in this class were 3,934 for to 2,375 against, the majority for being 1,559-net majority against the third proposition by these 84 unions (including "big three"), 248.

These same unions cast the following vote on the fourth proposition: Forty unions cast majori ties against aggregating 5,397 for to 6,985 againstmajority against, 1,588; and 44 unions casting majorities for showed 4,237 for and 2,678 against. The majority for, 1,559. Net adverse majority, 29.

Of 303 unions casting less than fifty votes, 127 cast 822 for and 1,763 against the third proposition, while 176 with majorities for aggregated 2,566 for to 930 against. In the first instance the majority against is 941, while in the second the majority for is 1,636-net majority for, 695; less the above 248 by the 84 unions voting over fifty, the total is

447.

On the fourth proposition these 303 unions voted

as follows: One hundred and sixteen unions with majorities against, 799 for to 1,570 against; majority against, 771; majorities for, 187 unions, 2,747; against, 949-majority for, 1,798. Net favorable majority, 1,027, less 29, equal to 998.

The above is the story of the vote of the typographical subordinate unions.

Third proposition majority, 447.
Fourth proposition majority, 998.

The votes by the mailers' and German-American unions make up the material discrepancies between these finals and the official.

The foregoing figures are admittedly incorrect, but they are not far wrong, and are near enough to the truth for the purpose of proving the truth of my text, viz.: The success of the third and fourth propositions is due to the support they received by the smaller unions. C. S. GOOKIN. Bristol, Tenn.-Va.

THE PRINTERS' LEAGUE OF AMERICA. The meeting of the executive committee of the New York branch of the Printers' League of America, held on December 4 at its headquarters, 76 Fifth avenue, was in the nature of a résumé of the business done at other meetings and to map out a plan of campaign for the league's advancement and duties for 1908. A report from the corresponding secretary showed that, after several interviews, Mr. Carey, of the Carey Printing Company, at 10 East Thirteenth street, New York, was the latest addition to the league. Mr. Carey's action was met with much satisfaction by the members of the league, as his recognition of the league's purpose, aims and principles was a sure indication of the joining of other large houses in the near future. Being a man who thoroughly knows the labor situation and understands himself and his business from A to Z, Mr. Carey will prove of vast benefit to the league and incidentally to himself by joining.

Another point of interest brought up in the early part of the meeting was the fact that the secretary was in receipt of many inquiries for positions by office and other specialty men. It was clearly demonstrated that the establishment of a labor bureau by the league would prove of vast interest to league offices. With that end in view, the corresponding secretary was ordered to take such steps as in his judgment were necessary toward the formation of such a bureau.

Besides addressing a circular letter to all league concerns inviting them to register their needs so that he, the secretary, might take steps to meet them, he was instructed to notify the various unions in the city of New York that if they cared to do so they could register their specialty men.

The plan is not to have every union man in the city register with the Printers' League, but for foremen, color and other specialty pressmen, and such men as consider themselves beyond the scale and average, to put their names on the league books, to be given a number, and to be notified of openings in league shops in rotation, according to precedence and their peculiar qualifications for the position offered.

All men seeking clerical and other positions in

New York printerics are also invited to register with D. W. Gregory, 75 Fifth avenue, the corresponding secretary, and to give at time of regis tering all necessary details to enable Mr. Gregory to quickly put them in touch with members needing their services.

Slowly but surely the principles of the league are forging to the front. Already the settlement of disputes can be traced directly to the recognition of its fair scale and practices and their acceptation by even those who are not yet enrolled among its members. In 1908 the league purposes, by a system of committees, to give more of its membership an active hand in the shaping of policy, the adjustment of difficulties and the correction of abuses. Those unions who have already entered into contract with the league recognize the fact that their dealings with the league are always of a most pleasant and satisfactory nature. Any complaint or grievance, real or fancied, is the subject of immediate recognition and investigation, and the league is fearless in bringing the offender to book, be he employer or employe. This equity of dealing can not fail to have its effect, as has already been shown in minor questions arising.

Many houses are sending out circulars showing the necessity of an increase of their prices. This is based on the reduction of working hours at the same rate of wages formerly paid. Some have gone so far as to claim that this has entailed an increase of cost amounting to 15 per cent. How

ever, it is evident that in figuring this increase they lose track of the fact that, though the press work has increased, the overhead or fixed charges remain the same. One house in particular, which

is an accepted authority on cost systems, shows by a careful computation of all costs going toward the production of finished work in their plant that this increase is actually between 5 and 6 per cent.

The policy of the Printers' League of America is so fair, so broad, so just, that it can not fail of ready and widespread acceptation.

FIRST PRINTER FOUND.

A semi-scientific magazine does away with the discussion as to who was the first printer. Here is its story: When Agesilaus observed before the battle that made his name that his soldiers doubted success, he wrote on his hands, inverting the letters, the word "Victory," in Greek, of course.

When the priest appeared with the sacrifice, a bull's liver, the great captain laid his hand on the flesh and kept it there for some time. After he removed it the word "Victory" was printed there, patent to all eyes, and this Greek was undoubtedly the first printer. The soldiers saw what they supposed to be "a message from the gods" and fought like lions.

IT is doubtful if ever any one was blessed who was not most anxious to be a blessing.

MANY a man thinks he is spiritual because he has forgotten how to be natural.-Grit.

DEFER not till tomorrow to be wise.-Congreve.

WOMAN'S INTERNATIONAL AUXILIARY.

President-Mrs. A. W. Bowen, 4 Quincy place, N. E., Washington, D. C.

Secretary Mrs. C. E. McKee, 215 Castle Hall, 230 East Ohio street, Indianapolis, Ind.

BOSTON, MASS.

On November 20 Mr. and Mrs. Woodhead gave a whist party at their home in Dorchester for the benefit of the auxiliary. There was a large crowd and the party was a great success. Choice refreshments were served by the hostess after the distribution of prizes. These whist parties are to be a feature of our winter's work.

A very important meeting of the Woman's Trade Union League was held November 25. Raymond Robbins, of Chicago, was the orator of the evening. He was a most fascinating and forceful speaker. He was delegate to the recent International Trades Congress, and gave a most interesting account of the existing conditions in trade unionism both here and in England. The gist of his remarks boiled down was, that just in proportion as wages were increased and the hours of labor shortened, just so much in proportion is the social and moral condition of the community bettered. I just wish all the women workers who are interested in their own welfare could listen to Mr. Robbins' remarks on the great army of the unorganized, who are afraid "to lose their job" by sticking up for their rights. Those are the women who supplant the men, who work for a pittance, and are too indifferent to join an organization where their rights would be conserved. Another forceful speaker was Joseph McManus, international organizer of the bookbinders. The other speakers were Mr. Flanagan, of the retail clerks' union; Miss Price, of the Consumers' League, and Mrs. M. K. O'Sullivan, just returned as delegate from the American Federation of Labor convention at Norfolk, who gave a graphic report of the trade union movement as represented by the various delegates at the convention. Miss Emily Balch, of Wellesley College, presided.

We all know how hard it is to approach the or dinary woman on organization. Ask her to join the auxiliary or the label league, and immediately her resources at procrastination are manifest. She will tell you anything-make any excuse, in fact, to go out of the way of getting organized. Consequently, the comparative few who are trying so bravely to better themselves, and incidentally the others, are badly handicapped by the great rank and file who hold themselves aloof, thereby becoming a detriment to the best efforts of the former.

On December 2 Mr. and Mrs. A. W. Preece gave a whist at their home on Savin Hill avenue for the benefit of the auxiliary. It was a large party, and the house was taxed to its utmost capacity. A bountiful collation was served by the hostess, Mrs. Preece, and a social hour followed.

On December 9 Rev. Charles Stelzle, the apostle of church and labor, whose articles on the labor problem in all the leading labor papers of the United States and Canada are too well known to need comment here, gave a very interesting address on "The Church and Labor Organizations" before a large and appreciative audience at the Park street church. Rev. Mr. Stelzle thrilled his audience and held its attention spellbound. He told of the early struggles of his mother, two sisters and himself, and of the dire straits to which they were often reduced through the greed of the capitalist and the incessant grind of the sweatshop, and of his own subsequent rise through the efforts of organized labor. Among his hearers was a notable gathering of the most prominent clergymen of Boston and vicinity.

MRS. H. A. RODGERS.

THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER.

The new constitution and by-laws were delivered to the local auxiliaries about December 1, and no doubt have been read by all the members by this time. The death benefit law should be carefully read by all and understood, so there may be no delay in case of a death. "Upon the death of a member," the law reads, "an assessment of 5 cents per member shall be levied upon local auxiliaries," etc. I would earnestly request all locals to empower their officers (president and secretary-treasurer), upon being notified by the secretary-treasurer of a death of a member entitled to benefits, to at once forward an amount equal to 5 cents per member, this amount to be taken from the general fund, and, if thought desirable, to then make an assessment to reimburse the fund from which the amount was taken. As the amount will be small, this latter course will hardly be necessary. Some auxiliaries may have already forwarded their amount to the secretary-treasurer, in which case it will be placed to their credit on the first assess

ment.

In order that there may be no misunderstanding as to my candidacy for the office of president, and in answer to the many letters from the local membership to again stand for the office for another term, I make this announcement: I am not a candidate for re-election. At the expiration of my term of office, in August next, I will have given the best part of my time for the past two years to the administration of the affairs of the Woman's International Auxiliary. I have tried at all times to be fair, conservative and impartial, and I will leave it to the members to judge of the results. In selecting my successor, I trust the membership will center upon some one who will not seek the office for the advancement of personal ideas, but rather one that will look to the welfare of the Woman's International Auxiliary everywhere.

The great labor demonstration in Washington will be long remembered by all. The members of