of Pennsylvania, the Supreme Executive Council, the Speaker and members of the House of Assembly, several foreigners of distinction, and officers of the army. The audience being over, the Congress and the Minister at a proper hour repaired to an entertainment given by the Congress to the Minister, at which were present by invitation, several foreigners of distinction and gentlemen of public character. The entertainment was conducted with a decorum suited to the occasion, and gave perfect satisfaction to the whole company.

IN CONGRESS, Aug. 6, 1778.

According to order, the honorable the Sieur Gerard being introduced to an audience by the two members for that purpose appointed, and being seated in his chair, his secretary delivered to the President a letter from his most Christian Majesty, which was read in the words following:

"Very dear, great friends and allies

"The treaties which we have signed with you in consequence of the proposals your Commissioners made to us in your behalf, are a certain assurance of our affection for the United States in general and for each of them in particular, as well as of the interest we take and constantly shall take in their happiness and prosperity. It is to convince you more particularly of this, that we have nominated the Sieur Gerard, Secretary of our Council of State, to reside among you in the quality of our Minister Plenipotentiary. He is better acquainted with our sentiments towards you and the more capable of testifying the same to you, as he was intrusted on our part to negotiate with your Commissioners, and signed with them the treaties, which cement our union. We pray you to give full credit to all he shall communicate to you from us, more especially when he shall assure you of our affection and constant friendship for you. We pray God, very dear, great friends and allies, to have you in his holy keeping. Your good friend and ally. [Signed] LOUIS.

66 Versailles, March 18, 1778. [Undersigned]

GRAVIER DE VERGENNES.

[Directed]"To our very dear, gaeat friends, the President and members of the General Congress of North America."

Omitting the speech of M. Gerard, the following was the answer of the President on the occasion:

"Sir,-The treaties between his most Christian Majesty and the United States of America, so fully demonstrate his wisdom and magnanimity as to command the reverence of all nations. The virtuous citizens of America, in particular, can never forget his beneficent attention to their violated rights, nor cease to acknowledge the the hand of a gracious Providence in raising them up so powerful and illustrious a friend. It is the hope and opinion of Congress, that the confidence his Majesty reposes in the firmness of these States, will receive additional strength from every day's experience. This assembly are convinced, sir, that if it had rested solely with the most Christian King, not only the independence of these States would have been universally acknowledged, but their tranquillity fully established. We lament that lust of domination which gave birth to the present war, and hath prolonged and extended the miseries of mankind. We ardently wish to sheathe the sword and spare the further effusion of blood; but we are determined by every means in our power to fulfil those eventual engagements, which have acquired positive and permanent force from the hostile designs and measures of the common enemy. Congress have reason to believe, that the assistance so wisely and generously sent, will bring Great Britain to a sense of justice and moderation, promote the common inierests of France and America, and secure peace and tranquillity on the most firm and honorable foundation. Neither can it be doubted that those, who administer the powers of government within the several states of this Union, will cement that connexion with the subjects of France, the beneficial effects of which have already been so sensibly felt. Sir, from the experience we have had of your exertions to promote the true interests of our country, as well as your own, it is with the highest satisfaction Congress receives, as the first Minister from his most Christian Majesty, a gentleman whose past conduct affords a happy presage, that he will merit the confidence of this body, the friendship of its members, and the esteem of the citizens of America."

John Adams, of Massachusetts, was chosen in February, 1785, minister plenipoten tary to the court of St. James; the first envoy sent to Great Britain by the United States. Mr Adams arrived in England in the spring of the same year, and his first note, dated Bath Hotel, May 26, 1785, in these words:

"Mr Adams has the honor to acquaint the Right Honorable the Marquis of Caermarthen, that he is just arrived in town with credentials from the United States of America and desires to be informed what hour he may have the honour of paying his respects to his Lordship."

Grosvenor Square, May 27.-Lord Caermarthen presents his compliments to Mr Adams; and shall be glad to see Mr Adams this day about one o'clock in Grosvenor Square, or at the office in Cumberland Row about four o'clock, which is ever most convenient to Mr Adams."

These notes were immediately succeeded by the following:

"St. James, May 27, '85.-Sir, I forgot to mention to you to day, when you did me the honour to call upon me in Grosvenor Square, that it is customary for every minister to send the Secretary of State a copy of the credential letters, that are directed by their sovereigns to present to his Masjesty and the Queen. With regard to the supscription, I find the credentials of the ministers from the States' General of the United Provinces are only addressed, 'Au Roi de la G. B.' I believe I did mention to you, Sir, that credential letters are always delivered, sealed, into his Majesty's hands. "I am, Sir, &c. "CAERMARTHEN.

66

"JOHN ADAMS, Esq., &c. &c. &c."

LONDON, May 28, '85-My Lord, I have received the letter your Lordship did me the honour to write me yesterday, and have enclosed a copy of the credential letter, I am directed by my sovereign to present to his Majesty. I am so unfortunate as not to have any for the Queen. But I know the sentiments of my country and of Congress so well, as to be sure, that it is not owing to any want of respect to her Majesty;probable it was merely the want of information, that there ever had been a precedent of it.

"I beg leave to propose to your Lordship, that the superscription should be, to his Majesty George the 3d, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. If your Lordship should not disapprove of this, I should prefer it to the address of the United States' Provinces, as being more respectful."

“May 29.—This morning Sir Clement Cotterel Dormer, master of the ceremonies, called on me to inform me, that he was ordered to attend me to Court on Wednesday, as he did all foreign ministers at their first presentation." Agreeable to previous arrangements, the master of ceremonies called on me at one, and accompanied me to the Secretary's office, whence Lord Caermarthen accompanied me to the Palace, and was in a very short time introduced to the King's closet, when with the usual ceremony I presented my letter of credence to his Majesty, and after a few minutes conversation retired. I have only time to observe, that I was introduced with every necessary formality, and received with some marks of attention."

"The master of ceremonies attended me in the anti-chamber, while the Secretary of State went to take the commands of his Majesty. While I stood in this place, where, it seems, all ministers stand upon such occasions, always attended by the master of ceremonies, the room, very full of ministers of state, bishops and all other sorts of courtiers, as well as the next room, which is the King's bed chamber, you may well suppose, that I was the focus of all eyes. I was relieved from the embarrassment of it by the Swedish and Dutch ministers, who came to me and entertained me with a very agreeable conversation the whole time. Some other gentlemen, whom I had seen before, also came to make their compliments to me, till the Mar quis Caermarthen returned and desired me to go with him to his Majesty. I went with his Lordship through the Levee room into the King's closet. The door was shut, and I was left with his Majesty and Secretary alone. I made the three reverences, one at the door, another about half way, and the third before the presence, according to the usage established at this and all the northern courts of Europe, and then addressed myself to His Majesty in the following words:

"Sir-The United States of America have appointed me their minister plenipoten

tiary to your Majesty, and have directed me to deliver to your Majesty this letter, which contains the evidence of it. It is in obedience to their express commands, that I have the honour to assure your Majesty of their unanimous disposition and desire to cultivate the most liberal and friendly intercourse between his Majesty's subjects and their citizens, and of their best wishes for your Majesty's health and that of the royal family. The appointment of a minister from the United States to your Majesty's Court will form an epocha in the history of England and America. I think myself more fortunate than all my fellow citizens in having this distinguished honour to appear in your Majesty's presence in a diplomatic character, and shall esteem myself the happiest of men,if I can be instrumental in restoring an entire esteem, confidence and affection, or, in other words, the good old nature and the good old humour between people, who, though separated by an ocean and under different governments, have the same language, a similar religion, and kindred blood. I beg your Majesty's permission to add, that, though I have some time before been intrusted by my country, it was never in my whole life in a manner so agreeable to myself.' The King listened to every word; and heard me with dignity, but with apparent emotion ;whether it was the nature of the interview, or my sensible agitation (for I felt more than I could express, that touched him, I cannot say, but he was much affected, and answered me with more tremor than I had spoken with."

"Sir-The whole of this business is so extraordinary, that the feelings you discover on the occasion appear to me to be just and proper. I wish, sir, to be clearly understood, before I reply to the obliging sentiments you have expressed in behalf of the United States. I am, you may well suppose, the last person in England, that consented to the dismemberment of the empire, by the independence of the new states; and while the war was continued, I thought it due to my subjects to prosecute that war to the utmost. But, sir, I have consented to the independence, and it is ratified by treaty, and I now receive you as their minister plenipotentiary; and every attention respect, and protection, granted to other plenipotentiaries, you shall receive at this court. And, sir, as I was the last person that consented to the independence of the United States, so I shall be the last person to disturb, or in any way infringe upon, their sovereign independent rights; and I hope and trust, that from blood, religion, manners, habits of intercourse, and almost every other consideration, the two nations will continue, for ages, in friendship and confidence with each other."

29. Visits. Having mentioned the members of the diplomatic corps, I will allude to some of the forms that regulated their intercourse. Once, the uncertainty of these led to difficulties, even wars. The congress of Vienna in 1815 extirpated them all, as far as questions of precedence were concerned; and these had ever been found the most serious. It declared, that every question of that nature should be settled by the rule of time. He who has been longest at a court or government, is to be first. The relative power of the nation he represents, is to count nothing. This is a rule satisfactory to small states, and it is to the praise of large ones, that they established it. It applies to all intercourse where competition can arise, whether of business or ceremony; and therefore regulates Visits. The member of the corps last arriving, pays the first. The rule does not overleap classes, applying only to those of the same class. Rush's Memoranda.

30. The visits between ambassadresses are performed on the same footing as those between their husbands, with the difference of some trifling points of etiquette, which it would be impossible to reduce to general rules. The wives of ambassadors, and ministers, claim, at least, the same honours at court as are granted to those ladies whose husbands are of an equal rank with theirs. Note to Martens' Law of Nations.

51. Precedence. Arrangement, signed by the eight powers, parties to the treaties of 1814-1815, to wit: Austria, Spain, France, Great Britain, Portugal, Prussia, Russia, and Sweden, on this subject:

ART. 1. Diplomatic agents are divided into three classes. 1. Ambassadors, Legates, or Nuncios. 2. Envoys, Ministers, and other agents accredited by the Sovereigns. 3. Chargés d'Affaires, accredited by the Department of Foreign Relations.

ART. 2. Ambassadors, Legates, or Nuncios, are alone invested with a representatative character.

ART. 3. Diplomatic agents sent on a mission extraordinary, are not entitled, on this account, to a superior rank.

ART. 4. Diplomatic agents of the respective classes take rank according to the date of the official notice of their arrival. The representatives of the Pope are not affected by this article.

ART. 5. Each State shall determine upon an uniform mode of receiving diplomatic agents of the different classes.

ART. 6. Neither relationship, nor family or political alliances between courts, confer rank upon their agents.

ART. 7. The order in which the signatures of Ministers shall be placed in acts or treaties between several powers, that allow of the alternat, shall be determined by lot.

32. The United States have never sent or received an ambassador, in the usual diplomatic sense of that term. Indeed, the form of our government appears entirely to forbid it, while we confine ourselves to the European meaning of the rank. An ambassador has a representative character; he represents the person and dignity of his sovereign. "The preeminence of ambassadors manifests itself chiefly in the particular ceremonial of their reception in the country, where they are appointed to reside. They are entitled to speak at the audiences they obtain, with heads covered, to keep a canopy or throne in their dwellings," &c. An ambassador of course, is often employed to manage the affairs of his nation, like other public ministers; but his representative character of the honor and dignity of the sovereign, constitutes in his particular case, a minister of the first rank. This latter quality an American minister cannot well possess; for he represents nothing but the nation. The government, it is true, has a right to require that ministers shall be received from them of the rank of ambassadors, but the distinction will obviously depend upon something different from the representation of the person of the sovereign. The English, we believe, are not much in the habit of employing ambassadors; most of their ministers being envoys, with full powers. But there are certain courts in Europe to which it seems to be a sort of etiquette to send an ambassador.

d

During the confederation, the public officers of the United States abroad were called, either Chargés d'Affaires, Commissioners, or Ministers Plenipotentiary. We are not aware that the confederation ever received or employed an Envoy Extraordinary. At present the government has established, by its practice, three classes, viz: Chargé d'Affaires, Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary. The Corps Diplomatic of this country in Europe now consists either of Chargés d'Affaires, or Envoys Extraordinary, with full powers. Lyman's Diplomacy.

35. Ambassadors form an exception to the general case of foreigners resident in the country, and they are exempted absolutely from all allegiance, and from all responsibility to the laws of the country to which they are deputed. As they are representatives of their sovereigns, and requisite for negociations and friendly intercourse, their persons, by the consent of all nations, have been deemed inviolable, and the instances are rare in which popular passions, or perfidious policy, have violated this immunity. Some very honourable examples of respect for the rights of ambassadors, even when their privileges would seem, in justice, to have been forfeited on account of the gross abuse of them, are to be met with in the ancient Roman annals; notwithstanding the extreme arrogance of their pretensions, and the intemperance of their military spirit. If, however, ambassadors should be so regardless of their duty, and of the object of their privilege, as to insult, or openly attack the laws or government of the nation to whom they are sent, their functions may be suspended by a refusal to treat with them, or application can be made to their own sovereign for their recall, or they may be dismissed, and required to depart within a reasonable time. We have had instances, within our own times, of all these modes of dealing with ministers who had given offence, and it is not to be denied, that every government has a perfect right to judge for itself whether the language or conduct of a foreign minister be admissible. The writers on public law go still further, and allow force to be applied to confine or send away an ambassador, when the safety of the state, which is superior to all other considerations, absolutely requires it, arising either from the violence of his conduct, or the influence and danger of his machinations. This is all that can be done; for ambassadors cannot, in any case, be made amenable to the civil or criminal jurisdiction of the country; and this has been the settled rule of public law, ever since the attempt made in the reign of Elizabeth to subject the Scotch ambassador to criminal jurisdiction, and the learned discussions which that case excited.* By fiction of law an ambassador is considered as if he were out of the territory of the foreign power; and it is an implied agreement among nations, that the ambassador, while he re

See "Immunities of Public Ministers. "