and, of course, be disposed to procrastinate the negotiation, which had commenced, informally, with a fair prospect of success.

In January 1823, the Count da Lapa, many years minister at St. Petersburg, was intrusted with the negotiation on the part of Portugal. Some forms of conventions were exchanged, but no solid progress appears to have been made.

"I have not heard, says Mr Dearborn, from the Count da Lapa since the 10th, ultimo, when he agreed to make out the form of the first head of the treaty, and call on me within the course of that week, but subsequently to our last meeting, a report was made to the Cortes on the subject of the present existing treaty with England, particularly in relation to the article, which stipulates, that certain English manufactures should be admitted into Portugal on paying a duty of fifteen per cent. on their cost. The report concluded by saying, that under existing circumstances, the Portuguese government have the right to suspend the operation of the article alluded to, until new negotiations should be had on the subject. The report was sanctioned by a vote of the Cortes. I presume that the discussion of this subject by a committee, and by the Cortes has occasioned a long delay on the part of the Count da Lapa. By the above mentioned report it appears, that negotiations have been going on between Portugal and Great Britain for sometime with a view, on the part of the former, of effecting such alterations in certain parts of the existing treaty, as would enable her to enter into such liberal and reciprocal commercial treaties with other nations, as would be acceptable. But it appears by the said report, that England, as might be expected, is very unwilling to relinquish any of the exclusive advantages, she now enjoys under the present treaty; and I am persuaded, that this government still finds itself embarrassed by certain stipulations in her treaty of 1810 with Great Britain, and that to that source the long delays, I have experienced, are to be principally attributed. I am satisfied, however, that the government is very earnestly engaged in endeavouring to effect such arrangements with England, as may be necessary for preparing the way for a liberal and reciprocal treaty with the United States."

In a letter from General Dearborn in May, 1824, we have an account of a proceeding by Don Miguel, at Lisbon, who then attracted, as he yet does, great attention in Europe:

“Very early in the morning of the 30th of April, the young prince, Don Miguel, had the troops assembled at different points; one body of them surrounded the residence of the King at the palace of Bemposta, while detachments were ordered to arrest the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Minister of War and Marine, together with several members of the King's household, and many other respectable persons. Between 9 and 10 o'clock in the morning, it was proposed that the members of the diplomatic corps should meet at the house of the Nuncio, where it was concluded, that it would be proper to endeavor to ascertain, whether the King was a prisoner or not, and that, for that purpose, it would be expedient to proceed in a body towards the palace; the whole corps proceeded accordingly, and after passing the great square, where a large body of troops were formed under the immediate command of the Prince, we proceeded to within a short distance of the palace, where we were stopped by a military guard, and compelled to leave our carriages, and then allowed to proceed to and enter the palace in the presence of a large body of troops, regularly formed. We found the King quite overwhelmed

with fear and distress, accompanied by two of his chamberlains and Lord Beresford. The appearance of the diplomatic corps evidently gave him great relief; he was asked, whether he considered himself a prisoner: he said that he could not say, whether he was or not; but that he was surrounded by a body of troops, over whom he had no control. We were informed, that the Queen had arrived at the palace, and was in that part of it, which is exclusively occupied by the Prince. After conversing, and waiting in a state of suspense until about one o'clock, P. M., a letter of proclamation from the Prince was received by the King. In the course of two hours, the Prince arrived with a large body of cavalry: he dismounted, and soon after presented himself to the King, and with the aid of Lord Beresford, made a speech to his father, promising to obey his orders and be an obedient subject, then, on his knee, kissed the King's hand and promised to remove the troops; and in almost an hour the troops were dismissed. The King then requested the diplomatic corps to stay, and partake of a dinner, which he had ordered for them. We stayed, and had an excellent dinner, then had a short conference with the King, who requested us to call the next day at one o'clock, and we retired."

"Lisbon, May 14, 1824. The King, being apprehensive of another attempt for dethroning him, and his minister, the Marquess Palmella, having found it nccessary for the King to take refuge on board a British man-of-war, concerted measures for going on board the Windsor Castle, a British seventy-four, and on Sunday the 9th instant, about 12 o'clock, with considerable address, he effected his object accompanied by two of the young princesses. The members of the diplomatic corps immediately hurried on board, excepting myself, confiding in my privilege as a minister, I remained with my family. As soon as it was known, that the King was on ship-board, terror and consternation pervaded the city, it being generally believed, that the Prince, with the adherents of the Queen, would pursue the most violent measures, and endeavor to cut their way to the throne; but fortunately the Prince, being either intimidated or deceived by the King, went soon after into a boat, and followed the King on board the ship, where he was confined, and in a few hours the city became tranquil.

"Yesterday, being the anniversary of the King's birth day, he received the diplomatic corps on board the ship, where a great number of the nobility and officers attended, and, also, many ladies. At six o'clock, P. M., the Prince sailed for France on board a Portuguese frigate, attended by a British frigate and a French brig of war. The King bestowed many marks of his favor on the members of the diplomatic corps, such as titles and orders, or both, on each member excepting myself; and knowing that I could not receive either, the Marquess Palmella civilly observed to me, that the King would have been happy to have noticed me, as he had done the other ministers, if I could have accepted the same token of respect.

In the Executive Message to Congress of the 4th of December, 1832, it is stated, that our "Demands against Portugal for illegal captures in the blockade of Terceira, have been allowed to the full amount of the accounts presented by the elaimants, and payment was promised to be made in three instalments. The first of these has been paid the second, although due, had not, at the date of our last advices, been received; owing, it was alledged, to embarrassments in the finances, consequent on the civil war in which the nation is engaged."

144. The Greek Patriots. Mr Adams to Mr Rush. Extract.

Department of State, Washington, August 18, 1823. If, upon the receipt of this letter, Mr. Luriottis should still be in London, it will be desirable that you should deliver it to him in person, accompanied with such remarks and explanations as may satisfy him and those whom he represents, that, in declining the proposal of giving active aid to the cause of Grecian emancipation, the Executive government of the United States has been governed, not by its inclination, or a sentiment of indifference to the cause, but, by its constitutional duties, clear and unequivocal. The United States could give assistance to the Greeks, only by the application of some portion of their public force or of their public revenue in their favor, and it would constitute them in a state of war with the Ottoman Porte, and, perhaps, with all the Barbary powers. To make this disposal either of force or of treasure, you are aware, is, by our constitution, not within the competency of the Executive. It could be determined only by an act of Congress, which would assuredly not be adopted, should it even be recommended by the Executive.

The policy of the United States, with reference to foreign nations, has always been founded upon the moral principle of natural law-Peace with all mankind. From whatever cause war between other nations, whether foreign or domestic, has arisen, the unvarying law of the United States has been peace with both belligerents. From the first war of the French Revolution, to the recent invasion of Spain, there has been a succession of wars, national and civil, in almost every one, of which, one of the parties was contending for liberty, or independence. To the first revolutionary war, a strong impulse of feeling urged the people of the United States to take side with the party which, at its commencement, was contending, apparently, at least, for both. Had the policy of the United States not been essentially pacific, a stronger case to claim their interference could scarcely have been presented. They, nevertheless, declared themselves neutral, and the prin ciple, then, deliberately settled, has been invariably adhered to ever since.

With regard to the recognition of sovereign states, and the establishment with them of a diplomatic intercourse, the experience of the last thirty years has served also to ascertain the limits proper for the application of principles, in which every nation must exercise some latitude of discretion. Precluded, by their neutral position, from interfering in the question of right, the United States have recognized the fact of foreign sovereignty, only when it was undisputed, or disputed without any rational prospect of success. In this manner, the successive changes of government in many of the European states, and the revolutionary governments of South America, have been acknowledged. The condition of the Greeks is not yet such as will admit of the recognition upon these principles.

Yet, as we cherish the most friendly feelings towards them, and are sincerely disposed to render them any service, which may be compatible with our neutrality, it will give us pleasure to learn, from time to time, the actual state of their cause, political and military. Should Mr. Luriottis be enabled and disposed to furnish this information, it may always be communicated through you, and will be received with satisfaction here. The public accounts from that quarter have been, of late, very scanty, and we shall be glad to obtain any authentic particulars which may come to your knowledge, from this, or through any other channel.

I am, with great respect, &c.,

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,

145. The Independent States of South America and Mexico. Extract. The Province of Buenos Ayres, (we learn from Lyman's Diplomacy) made the most rapid and solid progress towards emancipation. Their declaration of independence, was communicated to the government of the United States, by Don Manuel H. de Aguirre, who had arrived in this country, as a public agent from La Plata, and private one from Chili. He was not, however, furnished with a commission of minister nor with a power to negotiate; and there was no intimation in his letter of credence that he was even authorized to ask the acknowledgment of his government, though this matter was much pressed in his subsequent correspondence with the Department of State. We may mention in this connexion that Don Martin Thompson, an individual sent by the government of La Plata to this country, the succeeding year, had been dismissed by the Director Puerreydon for having transcended his powers. Several letters, in the course of 1817, 1818, were addressed to the Secretary of State by Don M. II. de Aguirre, soliciting the acknowledgment of the Provinces of Buenos Ayres, formerly the vice-royalty of La Plata. No answers were given to those letters, though conferences were held with him. The President declined to enter into any arrangements with this individual, for he did not appear furnished with powers to negotiate, and the independence of the provinces was far from being established at that period; several portions of it being in possession of the Spaniards, Montevideo of the Portuguese, and the eastern shore, under the government of General Artigas, who though independent of the mother country, still maintained his independence of the Provinces of Buenos Ayres.

France, in forming an alliance with the United States and acknowledging their independence at an early period of the war, was led to this step by obvious and immediate political considerations and the expectation of future commercial benefits.No eagerness was manifested in acknowledging the new states, though the application of Don Manuel Aguirre had scarcely been declined, when a renewed consideration of the same claims arose in the person of David C. de Forrest, who solicited the government to allow him to be admitted as a Consul General. This last application was made in May, 1818, but, as it was not ascertained, whether the province claimed an entire or partial independence, the President did not think it expedient to accede to the proposition. Spain, it seems, had still pretensions to the sovereignty, and it was the intention of Buenos Ayres to offer special commercial favors to her for the purpose of obtai, ing a release from them. Until it was determined, what would be the extent or character of these privileges, no nation could prudently lay itself under the obligation of encountering the commercial disabilities, necessarily flowing from such an arrangement.

"It had not been intended to suggest to Mr. de Forrest, that it was in any manner incompatible with the independence or sovereignty of a nation to grant commercial advantages to one foreign state, and to withhold them from another. If any such advantage is granted for an equivalent, other nations can have no right to claim its enjoyment, even though entitled to be treated as the most furored nations, unless by the reciprocal grant of the same equivalent Neither had it been meant to say, that a nation forfeited its character of acknowledged sovereignty, even by granting, without equivalent, commercial advantages to one foreign power and withholding them from another. However absurd and unjust the policy of a mation, granting to one and refusing to another such gratuitous concesions might

be deemed, the questions, whether they affected its independence or not, would rest upon the nature of the concessions themselves. The idea meant to be conveyed was, that the reservation of an indefinite right to grant hereafter special favors to Spain for the remuneration of her claims of sovereignty, left it uncertain, whether the independence of Buenos Ayres would be complete or imperfect, and it was suggested with a view to give the opportunity to the supreme Director of explaining his intentions in this respect, and to intimate to him that while such an indefinite right was reserved an acknowledgment of independence must be considered as premature. This caution was thought the more necessary, inasmuch as it was known that, at the same time, while the supreme Director was insisting upon this reservation, a mediation between Spain and her colonies had been solicited by Spain, and agreed to by the five principal powers of Europe, the basis of which was understood to be a compromise between the Spanish claim to sovereignty and the colonial claim to independence."

We shall not detain the reader with an account of Mr de Forrest's application, particularly as he "declared himself unauthorized to agitate or discuss the question with regard to the recognition of Buenos Ayres as an independent nation." Some observations, however, may be proper with reference to circumstances alleged by him, as arguing that a consul general may be accredited without acknowledging the independence of the government from which he has his appointment. The consul of the United States, who has resided at Buenos Ayres, had no other credential than his commission. It implied no recognition by the United States of any particular government, and it was issued before the Buenos Ayres declaration of independence, and while all the acts of the authorities there were in the name of the King of Spain.

During the period, while this government declined to receive M. de Onis as the minister of Spain, no consul received an exequatur under a commission from the same authority. The Spanish consuls, who had been received before the contest for the government of Spain had arisen, were suffered to continue the exercise of their functions, for which no new recognition was necessary. A similar remark may be made with regard to the inequality alleged by Mr de Forrest to result from the admission of Spanish consuls officially to protest before our judicial tribunals, the rights of Spanish subjects generally, while he is not admitted to the same privileges with regard to those of the citizens of Buenos Ayres. The equality of rights, to which the two parties to a civil war are entitled in their relations with neutral powers, does not extend to the rights, enjoyed by one of them by virtue of treaty stipulations, contracted before the war, neither can it extend to rights, the enjoyment of which essentially depends upon the issue of the war. That Spain is a sovereign and independent power, is not contested by Buenos Ayres and is recognised by the United States, who are bound by treaty to receive her consuls. Mr de Forrest's credential letter, asks that he may be received by virtue of a stipulation, in supposed articles concluded by Mr Worthington, which he was not authorized to make, so that the reception of Mr de Forrest, upon the credential on which he founds his claim, would imply a recognition not only of the government of the supreme Director Puerreydon, but a compact as binding upon the United States, which is a mere nullity.