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the monarch of France, stipulating a defensive alliance in case of an attack, upon the part of England, was now binding on America.

These, and other questions arising out of them, being submitted by the president to his cabinet, after much discussion, in which Hamilton and Knox were for breaking with the new government of France, and Jefferson and Randolph were for recognising it, they agreed that, for the sake of preserving neutrality, a proclamation should be issued, forbidding the citizens of the United States from fitting out privateers against either power. The president resolved to receive the envoy, and it was agreed that no mention should be made of the treaty, or of its having been taken into consideration.

The new envoy, M. Genet, an ignorant and arrogant individual, instead of sailing to Philadelphia, the seat of government, and communicating immediately with the president or ministers, landed at Charleston in South Carolina, and there remained six weeks superintending and authorising the fitting out of cruisers to intercept British vessels. The enthusiasm with which he was welcomed by the people, both at Charleston and during his land journey to Philadelphia, induced citizen Genet to believe that the envoy of France must be as powerful as its name was revered. He deemed that, relying on the popular support, he might set himself above the cautious scruples of the existing government.

Accordingly, when expostulated with upon his licensing privateers, and upon the captures made by his countrymen in the very rivers of the United States, Genet replied, that the treaty between France and this country sanctioned such measures, and that any obstructions put upon them would not only be infractions of the treaty, but treason against the rights of man.

The government, however, arrested two individuals who had entered on the privateering service, and when Genet demanded their release, he was countenanced and supported by a set of adherents who gave him fêtes, and formed societies in favour of his opposition to the constituted authorities of the country. This emboldened him still further to insult the government, by sending out a privateer from Philadelphia during Washington's absence from that city, after having promised to detain her till his return.

Whilst the government was consulting its law officers, to decide how best they might deal with the refractory and inso

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lent French envoy, the latter made it a ground of complaint that the British were in the habit of taking French property out of American vessels, contrary to the principles of neutrality avowed by the rest of Europe. Jefferson himself, although favourable to French interests, was obliged to tell Genet, on this occasion, that the British were right. But the latter would yield to neither authority nor reason; he replied in the most insulting tone, and would appeal, he said, from the president to the people.

This expression sealed his fate. The people at once abandoned the spoiled favourite, when he talked of insulting their beloved chief in this manner. The well-earned popularity of Washington could not be shaken by the blustering of this insolent foreigner. He was deserted by his warmest admirers, and when the government, determined on preserving its neutrality, had demanded and obtained his recall, the envoy, not daring to return to a country where it might be considered one of the rights of man to take off his head, quietly retired into obscurity and oblivion, and lived for many years under the protection of the very government which he had dared to insult.

Although the conduct of this individual disgusted the federal party, and perhaps added to its numbers by detaching many from the opposite ranks, the republicans still continued to cherish a grateful recollection of the services rendered to this country by France, during the revolutionary war, and a strong sympathy for those who were struggling for liberty against a powerful league of European monarchs who seemed bent on the utter destruction of the French republic. warfare between the parties in the United States, respectively favouring England and France, was carried on with considerable spirit on both sides; and it required all the firmness and integrity of Washington to restrain them from breaking out into dangerous excesses.

The

General Wayne, who had been appointed to carry on the Indian war, after the defeat of St. Clair, marched against them at the head of 3,000 men, and in an action fought on the banks of the Miami, August 20th, 1794, totally routed them and destroyed their forts and villages. This action was followed by a treaty which gave security to the north-western frontier, and soon occasioned a rapid increase in the population of that favoured region.

The excise law was highly unpopular in many parts of the

INSURRECTION IN PENNSYLVANIA.

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country. The inquisitorial character of such regulations always renders them obnoxious to popular hatred. În Pennsylvania, particularly, the dislike rose to forcible resistance, which soon assumed an organised form, and set all law and legal order at defiance. A proclamation was at first issued, but proved of no avail. The federal members of the cabinet urged the necessity of assembling the militia of the neighbouring states, and marching them to intimidate or crush the insurrectionary force of Pennsylvania. This was a bold step, and much decried and disputed at the time. But it completely succeeded. A militia force, under the command of Governor Lee, and accompanied by Secretary Hamilton, marched across the Alleghany mountains, and such was their imposing number, that the insurgents shrunk from a contest with their armed brethren, and dispersed without offering any resistance. The result was most important, and, as producing it, the insurrection itself proved beneficial, since it showed to the lover of anarchy that there did exist a force in the country sufficient to put down any unconstitutional attempt.

Mr. Jefferson had already retired from the office of secretary of state, and been succeeded by Mr. Randolph. Hamilton and Knox now retired from the departments of the treasury and war, giving place to Mr. Wolcott and Colonel Pickering.

Mr. Jay, who had been sent envoy to England, had concluded a treaty with Lord Grenville, the minister of that country, which was now received. By this treaty, England stipulated to evacuate the posts hitherto occupied by her within the boundary line of the United States; the Americans, on the other hand, allowing British subjects every facility for the recovery of past debts. Indemnification was promised on both sides for illegal captures. Freedom of trade was agreed on to a certain extent. Americans were allowed to trade with the West Indies in vessels under twenty tons, provided they carried their produce to their own ports only, and exported no such produce to Europe. This last stipulation was hard, as it prohibited the American from sending to Europe the cotton or sugar of its own production. This had escaped Mr. Jay, and the president refused to ratify the treaty till this mistake was rectified. The other grievance of the treaty was, the right of England, still allowed, to take out of American ships contraband articles, and to be in some measure the judge of what was contraband. This, which, when Mr. Jefferson was secretary of state, had been loudly

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complained of, formed a just ground of cavil against the treaty. However, these objections were counterbalanced by so many advantages, that the president, after some further delay, ratified the treaty, and a majority of the senate concurred in his decision.

Never had there been a more violent expression of opinion in America, than that which now assailed Washington and his treaty; for his it was considered. Nothing was to be heard but discussions concerning it; and public meetings were called in almost every town, at which addresses and resolutions were drawn up against it.

The republican party exclaimed against it as the basest ingratitude against France, and of treason towards a republic, whose watchword and safeguard ought to be hatred to monarchy and to England. The grave dignity of Washington contemning his opposers, rebuked with effect such violent addresses as were offered to him; and his firmness caused public opinion to rally, if not to turn in his favour. Hamilton left his retirement to defend the measure; and although the people refused to listen to him in public, he advocated it with the pen in writings that staggered opposition, and actually stemmed the popular torrent. These exertions of the federalists enabled the president to stand his ground and support the treaty, which was ultimately of great benefit to the commerce as well as the productive industry of the country.

Ere the president again met congress, his envoys had almost concluded treaties with Spain, with Algiers, and with the Indians beyond the Ohio. Spain yielded the right to navigate the Mississippi, with a depot at New Orleans. So that these united with the British treaty, formed a complete pacific system, which Washington aimed at establishing, ere he retired from the executive, as the last bequest to his country.

Party spirit was, however, still active and strong. The arrival of a new French envoy gave rise, by the extravagant addresses which he made, to a fresh access of enthusiasm in favour of that country. The president kept unswervingly to his neutral policy, although he was now unsupported by any eminent man as minister. He proclaimed the treaty with Great Britain. Although this right was secured to him, conjointly with the senate, by the constitution, the house of representatives still complained that they had not been consulted; and they passed a vote demanding of the president the communication of the papers and correspondence relative to the

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treaty. This he firmly refused, on constitutional grounds, and as a pernicious precedent, stating his reasons at considerable length. But the lower house did not want pretexts for discussing the treaty, and advocating their right to interfere with it. Strong debates ensued. But the great body of the people had too much respect for the founder of their liberties to support a factious and personal opposition to him.

France remained the only country dissatisfied with the conduct of the United States. She thought herself entitled to more than common amity; in fact, to the gratitude and cordial support of a sister republic. The treaty, therefore, between America and Great Britain had excited the resentment of the directory; and, indeed, those articles of it, which allowed the latter country the right of taking French goods from neutral ships, were calculated to excite complaint.

The directory, however, was not content with addressing the language of legitimate remonstrance to the cabinet of Washington. They directed their envoy to address congress; to appeal from the president to the people as Genet had done; and so attempt to force the government into a closer alliance with France.

Washington, however, was not able to bring this negotiation, as he had done others, to a term. The period of his second tenure of the presidential office was about to expire, and no consideration could tempt him to permit his re-election. Besides his age and fatigues, there were many reasons for this decision, the principal of which was that one person had ruled a sufficient time for a free republic.

His intention of retiring from the presidency, Washington announced to the people of the United States in a valedictory address, which, for eloquence and force, and for sound principles of government, must be considered one of the classic. records of political wisdom. Despite their late opposition, the legislature were unanimous in the tribute of gratitude and veneration, which answered the president's announcement that he addressed them for the last time. The people read the Farewell Address with feelings of profound respect and. attachment; and several of the state legislatures inserted it at large in their journals, and passed resolutions expressing their exalted sense of the services and character of its author, and their emotions at his retirement from office.

The candidates for the highest office in the nation about to become vacant, were Thomas Jefferson and John Adams.

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