ber of those kept on foot, after the peace of Ryswick, in the reign of king William of glorious memory; and more numerous, by one third, than in the late Queen's reign after the peace of Utrecht; that they are more than sufficient to secure the government against any sudden intestine commotion; which is the less to be apprehended by reason of the general affection which the people had lately shewn in taking the oaths, though many of them that took them were not required to do it, by the act passed the last session; and he was confident, that except a few persons of desperate principles and fortunes, who might hope to fish in troubled additional men raised the year before. His lordship represented, That the Conspiracy mentioned in his Majesty's Speech at the opening of the last session of parliament, which was the occasion of this augmentation of the Land Forces, being happily extinguished, and there by the cause of raising that additional number removed, there was not the least pretence for continuing that number: That the keeping on foot a greater army in time of peace, than was absolutely necessary for the security of the King's person and government, was very dangerous to our happy constitution: and, considering the great tranquillity we enjoyed, both at home and abroad, he could not but appre-waters, there was nobody in England that bad hend the number of regular forces, allowed by this bill, to be much greater than was necessary for that end. That if so great an army was allowed to be continued, in our present happy circumstances, a Standing Army would thereby become an essential part of our constitution, since the reasons for keeping it up in perpetuity would grow stronger every year, and in every succeeding reign: for on the one hand, it cannot, with any probability, be foreseen or expected, that in any future time, there will be less reason to be given, than at present, for justifying the necessity of keeping up so great an army, there being now as little danger to our present happy establishment, to be feared, either from insurrections at home, or by any disturbance or invasions from abroad, as the nature and instability of human affairs will allow of. And on the other hand, if so numerous an army be at present allowed of in parliament, no argument can hereafter be urged, for the reducing the number in any future reign, but what will seem to carry with it too great a distrust of the prince then on the throne, and will be construed to imply, that the same con fidence is not to be reposed in him, as in his predecessors. His lordship added, It was not out of any distrust he entertained either of his Majesty or his ministers, that he was for reducing part of the army: that, on the contrary, he was fully convinced his Majesty will never make an ill use of his power, of which they had a sure earnest in the moderation with which his Majesty had governed hitherto but as they could not promise themselves and expect, that so good and so just a King should always fill the throne, it was prudence early to prevent the inconveniences and dangers to which our excellent constitution and liberties The Lord Townshend answered lord Trevor, should be exposed, in case, in any succeeding and said, That he agreed with that noble reign, an ambitious prince and ill ministers, lord, in some parts of his speech, but was very should have so great a number of troops at their sorry he differed from him in others. That he disposal. That it was notorious, that all the was thoroughly persuaded of his entire affecstates of Europe that have lost their liberties, tion to his Majesty's person, and the present have been enslaved by their own armies, whose happy settlement; nor did he, in the least officers and commanders growing every day in doubt, but that he saw with pleasure, the propower, do, at last, turn it against those from gress that had already been inade towards rewhom they had at first their cominissions; of ducing the National Debt, but that, at the which we had a fatal example in England, still same time, they ought to consider, that as the fresh in our memories, in the person of Oliver happy tranquillity we at present enjoy, is, in Cromwell.. That besides the 4,000 additional some measure, owing to the strength of the gomen, the regular forces were double the num-vernment, so it was prudence not to weaken that any thing to lose, that wished for a revolution. Btrength, because the same affects public credit, couraged France to break that treaty, which which being founded on the security of the occasioned a second war, and was the source government, if that security was rendered pre- of two thirds of that heavy debt under which carious, they would soon see the funds and the nation labours at this day. That the disstocks fall 10 or 12 per cent. which would ren-banding of the army had almost the same ill der the reduction of the National Debt altoge-effect in the reign of the late queen, having enther impracticable, since it was impossible to couraged Lewis 14 to furnish the pretender with reduce, that debt otherwise than by public a land force and a fleet to invade these kingcredit. That it was notorious, that before the doms. That if at present they weakened the last augmentation of regular forces, the govern- hands of the government, we should be exment could not form and march a body of posed to the like insults. That if our enemies 3 or 4,000 men, against any sudden attempt, may be credited, in an affair, in which it is their either at home, or from abroad, without leav- interest to speak truth, they seemed confidently ing the king's person, the royal family, the assured of success, in their design of overturncapital of the kingdom, and the fortified places ing the government, provided they had only an exposed; and therefore the said augmentation assistance of 3 or 4,000 men from abroad: and was become absolutely necessary to prevent that considering the method now practised in these dangers and inconveniencies. That the embarkations, how strong soever our fleet may number of troops now on foot was not so great be, it was impossible to hinder a foreign prince, as to afford any just ground of jealousy, since who should have a mind to undertake it, to the present forces are much inferior to those throw such a number of men upon England. the crown had formerly. That by the ancient That the constant tenor of his majesty's adand Gothic constitution of the government, ministration, ought to convince every body, that the king had at his disposal the militia of the by the continuing the number of regular realm, which chiefly consisted in archers, who forces now on foot, his Majesty and his miniswere kept in constant discipline and exercise, ters have nothing in view but the public the memory of which is still preserved, there safety and security, and thereby to give the being almost in every village a place called people an opportunity of improving their trade, But-lane. That the invention of fire-arms had as the only means to retrieve their former losses.* made a great alteration in the ancient constitution; and, instead of archers, the crown raised as many regular troops as were thought necessary, upon any emergency. That queen Elizabeth, who had many enemies both at home and abroad, constantly kept a considerable body of troops in the Netherlands, without any contradiction from her parliaments, and thereby maintained herself on the throne, and overcame all her enemies. That if king Charles 1 had steered the same course, he might, in all probability, have preserved both his crown and his life, since he lost both, only for a want of a sufficient force to suppress faction, which was the principal source of all the calamities and enormities, in which the nation was afterwards involved. That upon the Restoration of king Charles 2, they who, at that time, had the management of affairs, did not think it proper to keep up a great number of regular troops, and therefore chose to restore to the crown its ancient power over the militia of the kingdom; but there was a secret in that. That king James 2 had an army of 20,000 men, which would have secured to him the crown, had he not given a general disgust, by endeavouring to subvert the constitution in church and state. That in the reign of king William, when the Parliament disbanded the army after the Peace of Ryswick, they fell upon a project to secure the government, which was to discipline the militia; but that they soon perceived the unprofitableness of that scheme, militia proving a great burden to the people, and of no service to the government. That the reduction of the army had then a double ill effect; for it obliged king William and his ministers into a Treaty of Partition; and enVOL. VIII. The Duke of Wharton said, That though he was sensible whatever he could offer, would have but little weight, nevertheless, as the matter under debate was of the last importance, and highly concerned the fundamental consti tution, he thought it incumbent upon him, as a member of that august assembly, to deliver his opinion; hoping, that any mistake he should commit, would be excused upon account of his want of experience: That he wondered the noble peer who spoke last, should suggest, that without the additional troops raised last year, a body of 3,000 men could not be drawn together: That he might easily be contradicted, since, before the raising of those troops, we had seen near the capital of the kingdom, a "Slow in his parts, rough in his manner, impatient of contradiction, the humane, generous, and benevolent lord Townshend, was inelegant in his language, often perplexed in his arguments; but always spoke sensibly and with a thorough knowledge of the subject." Dr. Maty's Life of Lord Chesterfield. "Talk what you will of Taste, my friend, you'll find "Two of a face, as soon as of a mind. "Why, of two brothers, rich and restless one "Plows, barns, manures, and toils from sun to sun; "The other slights, for women, sports, and wines "Al! Townshend's turnips, and all Grosvenor's "mines." Pope's Imitations of Horace, B. 2. Ep. 2. "When this great statesman retired from business, be amused himself in husbandry; and was particularly foud of that kind of rural improvement which arises from turnips; it was the favourite subject of his conversation." 2 C Warburton, Camp of between 3 and 4,000 men, consisting " turned, since thereby an additional strength is given to the crown, without any equivalent to secure the rights and liberties of the subject: That our ancestors having ever judged the Militia sufficient to secure the government, we ought not to deviate from that wise institution without evident necessity: That the Militia are not so useless, nor so much to be despised, as some would pretend, since they did notable service during the last rebellion, even in some counties the most disaffected to the present settlement; and, if care was taken to discipline them well, he did not doubt but they might be made more useful: That the expence of raising and exercising the Militia might be greater than of regular forces, but that as the danger to our liberties would be much less from the Militia, so would the expence be more easily borne by the people: That, in justice to the officers of the army, he would readily acknowledge, that many of them had appeared zealous defenders of the liberties of their country, and had laid the foundation of our present happiness, by refusing to concur in the designs of the late king James 2. But that he had heard wise men say, that if that Prince had turned out the old officers he could not trust, and made new ones from among the common soldiers, king William would not easily have brought about his enterprise, at least there would have been more bloodshed: That after all, standing armies are inconsistent with a free government: And that hereafter an ambitious Prince, and ill designing ministers might make use of them to invade our liberties: That the single instance of Oliver Cromwell, who came to the House of Commons, and turned out with open force the very men from whom he had his authority, was an example, which they ought ever to have before their eyes: That though they had nothing to fear under his Majesty's auspicious reign, or from the illustrious princes of his royal family; yet it cannot be expected that the throne shall always be filled by such princes: That besides, we are not so happy as to have the King always amongst us; That at least once every two years his Majesty goes over to his dominions abroad; that for his part, he was so far from finding fault with it, that he rather thought it for our advantage, because he could from thence have a nearer prospect of the affairs of Europe, and watch for our security: But that, on the other hand, if it should bappen, that during his Majesty's absence the absolute command of the army shall be delegated to one single person, our liberties and properties might be in great danger, because such an authority is equal to that of a stadtholder in Holland: That he was both surprised and sorry to see that a lord, who had so great a share in the administration, should, in so solemn and important a debate, fetch arguments from Exchange-Alley, and thereby put our most essential concerns in competition with those of a few stock-jobbers: That nothing, in his opinion, See vol. 3, p. 1381., | latter were become necessary to preserve that happy tranquillity. His lordship shewed the great advantages that flow from the security of the government; the regard of foreign princes and states for the crown of Great-Britain; the weight of his Majesty's councils in negotiations abroad, which had established a general peace in Europe; the restoration of credit at home, which had furnished the means of putting the public debts in a method of being gradually reduced; but if that security was removed, it would immediately affect public credit, and thereby the opportunity would be lost, for eas it labours under: That he did not deny what a noble peer had advanced, that before the last additional forces were raised, there had been a camp of 3 or 4,000 men in Hyde-park; but that these were necessary for the king's guard, and the defence of the city of London, and therefore could not be spared to march either against an enemy that should invade us, or to suppress any sudden insurrection at home, without exposing his Majesty's person, the royal family, and the capital of the kingdom. could more effectually keep up and advance public credit, than the confidence his Majesty would seem to repose in the affections of the people, by disbanding part of the army; and that the same would have the like good effect with foreign princes: Whereas, if the court seemed to think so great a number of troops necessary in time of peace, it visibly implied a distrust of the affections of the people, which might increase the disaffection at home, and lessen his Majesty's credit and interest abroad. The Lord Bathurst, who spoke next, observed, That what distinguishes most a good prince from a tyrant, is that the latter nevering the nation of that immense load of debts thinks himself safe, without a great number of troops, whereas the first intirely confides in the affections of his subjects: That this was the course which that wise princess queen Elizabeth steered; for though she had many enemies, both at home and abroad, yet she never kept standing forces in England, but defeated. all the attempts against her person and government with her Militia and her fleet: That upon king Charles the Second's restoration, that Prince had a very plausible pretence to have an army; but his ministers the earls of South-That the present happy situation of affairs in ampton and Clarendon, great patriots as well as great politicians, considering the calamities an army had brought upon the nation under Cromwell, wisely judged that standing forces are inconsistent with the liberties of England; and that the power of the Militia, with the addition of horse and foot-guards, were sufficient to secure the king's person and govern. ment: That, indeed, they had been told by a noble lord of the other side, that there was a secret in it: That, for his own part, he could not guess what that secret could be, but he wished there might be no secret, at present, in the keeping up so great a number of forces: That the late Revolution was miraculously brought about, considering the great number of forces king James 2 had on foot; but as miracles do not happen every day, neither is it prudence to expect them, but rather to endeavour to prevent such.dangers, as would infallibly have come to pass, had not Providence visibly interposed: That he had a very good opinion of many officers in the army, and had an esteem for them, not only as gallant soldiers, but as good Englishmen that would not enslave their country; but yet he would not trust his liberty or property in the hands of men that might take them away, if they pleased; for he knew no great difference between a man being a slave, and being in the power of them that can make him one: That of all men, soldiers are known to be ambitious of advancing, and exercising their authority; and that the example of 'Cromwell's army, who turned out the parliament that raised them, ought to be a constant warning against regular troops. Lord Carteret urged, That the public tranquillity proceeded from the security of the government, and as this security was in some measure owing to the additional forces, the Europe seemed, indeed, to promise a lasting peace; but that human things are subject to so unexpected vicissitudes, that the greatest calms are often disturbed on a sudden by violent storms. That in case of a rupture, it would be an easy matter for an enemy to throw in a body of troops upon us, to raise a new rebellion in favour of the Pretender, whose friends, it is to be feared, are still but too numerous, and though quiet at present, by reason of their late disappointments, yet are ever ready to throw off the mask, as soon as they shall see themselves supported by a foreign. prince. That whatever force we may be sup posed to have at sea, it is hardly possible to prevent a sudden invasion: That though king James 2. had a numerous fleet at the mouth of the Thames, yet the prince of Orange passed by undisturbed, and landed his army at Torbay: That when, in 1708, Lewis 14 undertook to set the Pretender on the British throne, bis fleet, notwithstanding all the efforts we could make, carried their main design, which was to reach Scotland, where they might have landed; and all that our fleet could do, was only to take a straggling ship: That when Car dinal Alberoni, in 1719, formed the project of an invasion upon Great Britain, he landed some of his men without opposition in Scotland; and had it not been for the contrary winds that detained his main fleet on the coasts of Spain, he would, in all probability have landed a much greater force in England: That the additional troops were not indeed sufficient to oppose any considerable force sent against us by a powerful neighbour; but that, however, they were sufficient to defeat any unavowed attempt, and to make a stand against any sudden invasion, and thereby give time for reinforcing the army: That as the continuing these additional troops would shew th confidence the nation reposed in his Majesty, | continued from year to year by parliament, and the good opinion the people had of the present government, so the disbanding of them would have the contrary effect; 'and therefore he was for keeping them up. there is little or nothing to be apprehended. That it is not many years since we have seen an English ariny refuse to concur in the overthrow of the fundamental laws of their coun try; and it is to be hoped they never will. That, however, it requires some time to model an army, and to gain the officers: and if in that interval, it should be perceived that sinister designs were carrying on against liberty and property, by means of the army, the Parliament may, in such a case, apply a speedy remedy, by reducing it; and then he would be the first man that should give his vote for it. That the expence of maintaining the additional forces, was inconsiderable, and much less than the charge would be, in case of necessity, of sending for troops from Holland or Ireland. That foreign auxiliaries are always, not only more expensive but more dangerous, or grievous to the people, because they cannot be kept in so strict discipline, as in their own country. That the disbanding so great a number of troops after the peace of Utrecht, and not having a sufficient force to secure the government, upon his Majesty's happy accession, had been the principal cause of the rebellion in the year 1715, the friends of the Pretender having been thereby encouraged to shew themselves. That if he saw the nation unanimous in opinion, That our laws, liberties, properties, and holy religion entirely depend on the present happy settlement, and on the Protestant succession in his Majesty's royal family, he would readily give his vote for reducing the army: but he was afraid some people so strenuously insisted on the disbanding of the additional troops, with no other design than to weaken the government, and thereby have an opportunity of involving their native country in new troubles; and therefore those noble lords who had spoke for the reduction, would do well, when they went down into their seve ral countries to assure the people, with whom no doubt their reasons would not fail having great weight, that the liberties and properties were entirely safe under his Majesty's auspi cious government. The Earl of Strafford said, They were obliged to that noble peer for delivering his meaning so plainly, that it was impossible to mistake it. That according to him the present number of forces were essential to our security, and therefore might be said to be essential to our constitution. [Hereupon the lord Carteret explained himself, and said, That in our present circumstances, he thought the number of 18,000 men absolutely necessary.] My lord Strafford replied, That the being absolutely necessary was much the same with being essential: That since the forces now on foot were made the cause of our tranquillity; and it was inferred from that position, that they were absolutely necessary to secure that tranquillity, it is plain they are thereby made an essential part of our constitution. For as it was owned, that we had nothing to fear either at home or abroad, he could not foresee that any argument hereafter could be urged for reducing the present number; but it was rather to be apprehended, That plausible pretences might be found for increasing them upon the least appearance of real or feigned danger. That in case of an insurrection at home, or an invasion from abroad, the army might easily be augmented, as was done in 1715, with wonderful expedition and success; and that to the praise of a late minister, (the earl of Sunderland) it must be owned, that as soon as the occasion, for which those additional troops were raised, was over, he caused them to be disbanded. That in that rebellion the militia performed notable service, even in a county thought to be generally disaffected. That by disbanding the additional troops, and thereby easing the nation of part of the heavy burden it labors under, the King would gain the affections of Iris people, which would be a greater security at home, and procure more regard abroad, than the inconsiderable reinforcement of 4000 men, the continuing of which would be a shrewd indication of the unsettledness of the The Earl of Strafford, who thought himself government, and shew a jealousy of the peo-glanced at, declared, That he utterly detested ple. The Duke of Argyle replied, That this debate having taken up much time, he would contract within a narrow compass what he had to say. That the chief argument to support the motion for disbanding the additional troops, was, the danger of a standing army to a free government. That he did allow there was indeed some danger, but not so great as to overbalance the good, which this small number of troops may do, in the present situation of affairs. That there is a vast difference between an army established in perpetuity, and a temporary army. That if the present number of standing troops were voted to be perpetual, there might, indeed, be great danger to our happy constitution; but as they are only the very thoughts of a civil war ; which, let it end which way it will, is always fatal to the country in general, and to all private persons. Protest against the Mutiny Bill.] Then the Bill was read the third time, and the question being put, That the same do pass, it was resolved in the Affirmative by 77 against 23. "Dissentient' 1. Because the keeping on foot a greater army in time of peace, though by consent of Parliament, than is absolutely necessary for the security of his Majesty's person and government, is, we conceive, very dangerous to our happy constitution; and we cannot but apprehend, the number of men allowed by this Bill' |