1

"Most Gracious Sovereign;

"Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, return your Majesty the Thanks of this House for your Majesty's most gracious Speech from the throne; and as your Majesty's fatherly tenderness for your people and the unspeakable comforts of an easy government, demand the sincerest tribute of duty; your Majesty's faithful. Commons do now offer to your Majesty the most unfeigned assurances of gratitude and loyalty, with that becoming zeal and affection that is particularly requisite at this time.

:

"We beg leave to congratulate with your Majesty on the prosperous situation of affairs at home and abroad; a subject not only of content, but of joy and we should be wanting to ourselves, and insensible of our own prosperity, if we did not feel the same satisfaction in reaping the fruits of your Majesty's great wisdom, that your Majesty hath in imploying it to direct and guide us to our own happiness.

"Peace with all powers abroad, plenty and tranquillity at home, with a full and quiet enjoyment of every thing that is dear and valuaable to us, are peculiar marks of your Majesty's government; which that they may be for ever remembered, this House will use their utmost endeavours, by the divine assistance, to transmit the happy consequences of these blessings to the latest posterity, as monuments to futurity of the glories of your Majesty's reign.

"To support the interest and credit of our country, is to pay the most acceptable obedience to your Majesty, and therefore this House will proceed with all chearfulness and dispatch in raising such supplies as shall be necessary for the honour and safety of the nation: We will labour to discharge gradually the national debt, by the improvement of the public revenues: to increase our wealth, by the advancement of our trade; and to establish our strength, by the encouragement of our navigation; and are ready heartily to assist your Majesty in every thing that shall tend to the security and grandeur of your Majesty and your kingdoms."

"Gentlemen;

"I return you my hearty thanks for your loyal Address; I never made any doubt, but that whenever the honour and interest of the kingdom called upon you, I should meet with the same return of duty and fidelity, and the same affection and zeal for my service, as I have hitherto experienced on all occasions."

Land Forces] Nov. 23. Debate in the Commons on the Number of the In a Committee of the whole House, the Commons considered farther of the Supply. The several Estimates of the charge of Guards, Garrisons, and Land Forces; of the Forces in the Plantations, Minorca, and Gibraltar; of the Out-Pensioners of Chelsea-hospital, for the year 1725, and of extraordinary expences not provided for by Parliament, having been referred to the Committee, Mr. Henry Pelham (Secretary at War,) opened the debate on those several heads, shewed the necessity of keeping up the same number of guards, garrisons, and land-forces, and moved for making the same provision for them for the year 1725, as was made for this year. Mr. Pelham's motion was supported by Mr.Treby, sir Edmund Bacon, general Wade, and Mr. Yonge; but was opposed by Mr. Plummer, Mr. Free man, sir William Barker, lord Morpeth, sir Jor seph Jekyll, Mr. Cornwall, Mr. Snell, Mr. Hungerford, and Mr. Shippen, which occasioned a warm debate, that lasted till four in the afternoon. Those who opposed Mr. Pelham's motion, were not all of the same opinion, as to the number of troops, some being for reducing the army to 7 or 8,000 men, as was done after the conclusion of the treaties of Ryswick and Utrecht, and others insisting only on the disbanding of the 4,000 men raised upon occasion of the late Conspiracy.

Mr. Snell, member for Gloucester, to shew the danger of a Standing Army in a free country, brought two instances; the one of an insult given by dragoons encamped in the west, to some countrymen that were merry-making; the other, of an officer quartered at Gloucester, who, upon a rejoicing day, would not permit the city drums to beat, pretending that none but the King's drums had a right to beat in the garrison. To the first of these complaints

and intèrceded for him.

Mr. Hungerford endeavoured to shew the danger of regular troops to a free nation, and what little occasion there was for them at this happy juncture, and concluded, He could not imagine, what use an army could be put to, unless it were to extinguish the flame that had been kindled in Ireland by the new Brass Halfpence, [meaning the base half-pence coined by Mr. Wood for the use of Ireland,] and to force that people to swallow them. But the most material objections were urged' by

Mr. Shippen, who upon this occasion spoke as follows:

Mr. Speaker;

I have spoke so often against maintaining an extraordinary number of Land Forces in time of peace, that I should now choose to be silent, if I had not the first day of the session entered my claim to dispute the continuance of the 4,000 augmentation troops, and if I did not think it my duty to oppose every proposition, which seems to carry the least appearance of danger to our constitution.

I ask pardon, especially of the honourable gentleman who moved it, if I take the present question to be of this nature. Nor can I be persuaded, that the frequent imposition of unnecessary taxes, or the repetition of any grievance, ought to beget an insensibility, or a slavish acquiescence in it. On the contrary, I think it ought to awaken and double our attention, lest it should in time plead a prescriptive right, and gradually grow into an establishment. If I may be permitted to consider the King's Speech, as the composition of his ministers, which though I know by experience to be a more dangerous, is yet a more parliamentary way, than to consider it as an edict from the throne, I will observe, that it does not ask the opinion and advice of the Commons, how far they will use their great, essential and undisputed right of raising money; but it positively prescribes the exact provision we are to make, both by sea and land, for the service of the ensuing year; and, whether that be not a new method of speaking to Parliaments, is with all deference submitted to the wisdom of this House, which is the best judge of its own privileges and power.

Surely, Sir, it is very melancholy to hear one session after another, that, though we are in a state of tranquillity, as the language is, yet we can neither be secure at home, nor respected abroad, without continuing above 18,000 land forces in pay.

This way of reasoning entirely misrepresents our circumstances and condition. For it would suggest, that we cannot enjoy the blessings of a good reign, without enduring at the same time the hardships of a bad one, which is a contradiction in itself, and inconsistent with the notions we, as Englishmen, must ever entertain of our legal liberties, in maintenance of which our predecessors in Parliament, thought fit to alter the lineal succession of our royal family. This

See vol. 7, p. 511.

way of reasoning farther supposes, that the mutual confidence betwixt his Majesty and his people is destroyed, that there is a distrust on one hand and a disaffection on the other, for which there is not the least ground or pretence, For his Majesty, by his residence amongst us this last summer, has not only given us the clearest proof of bis preferring the welfare and happiness of these kingdoms, to that of his own foreign dominions; but has for ever secured the love of his subjects here by his most gracious affability and personal condescensions to them. He has for ever secured that tranquillity at home, on which he is pleased with so much satisfaction to congratulate his Parliament. Nor can this tranquillity be affected by the clamours in Ireland against a late patent, [meaning Mr. Wood's patent for coining, which was afterwards recalled] for there is a large army in that kingdom sufficient to curb tamultuous spirits, and to awe patronizing malecontents, should any such be found. Nay, if more forces are judged necessary, either for the honour or safety of the government there, that kingdom is able and willing to maintain more on its own establishment; and therefore all arguments drawn from thence relating to the present ques tion must be inconclusive. The House may perhaps think fit, at a proper season, to listen so far to the complaints of our fellow subjects in another kingdom, as to call for this obnoxious patent, and to examine into the grounds of it. For the mis-government of Ireland has been frequently under the examination of the House of Commons here, and such examinations have formerly proved fatal to as great ministers as England ever bred; which may be matter of reflection to their successors and to those it may concern; but can never be any inducement to an English Parliament to pay one soldier more, than is absolutely necessary for our own use.

Now all rebellions, all conspiracies, seem to be totally extinguished, not more by the late seasonable exertion of parliamentary justice, than by the wise and prudent conduct of those in the administration. They have so carefully reviewed and modelled the forces this summer in every part of the nation, that we are to hope, there are not left even so many, as three or four serjeants and corporals, who shall have fool-hardiness enough to undertake again to draw the whole army into wild and chimerical attempts. They have freed the church from all apprehensions of danger, by promoting only the most orthodox and learned part of the clergy to the episcopal dignity and other ecclesiastical preferments. They have preserved the state, by advancing only men of distinguished ability and experience to all great offices and civil employments. They have, which is above all, reconciled their own animosities, and have no other contentions now, but who shall best serve his Majesty and the public, without any views of accumulating im mense wealth to themselves, or of aggrandizing their own private families. Such an adminis

Nor are our foreign affairs in a less flourishing condition, than those at home, so far as I am capable of judging on the common appearance of things, without being in the secrets of the cabinet.

We can have no apprehensions from our nearest neighbour, France. For that kingdom is engaged to us by many strict treaties, and I have heard the French bona fides of late years, as much asserted and extolled in this House, as I have formerly heard it ridiculed and exploded. Besides we have a vigilant minister at Paris, who by his own skill and penetration in politics, as well as by good advice and assistance from hence, is not only promoting the British interests there, but in-. fluencing and directing the French councils.

Nor can we have any pretence to keep up those forces on account of danger from Spain. For, if that monarchy should be indiscreet enough to retain the least harsh remembrance of any pretended ill usage from Great Britain: If it should reseut our glorious and seasonable conquest over their fleet in the Mediteranean, for which we struck a medal with pompous inscriptions: If it should insist on the restitution of Gibraltar and Port-Mahon, which, in my humble opinion, can never be surrendered without the highest infamy, as well as injury, to England. I say, if any thing of this kind should remain in the breast of the court of Spain, notwithstanding our treaties and daily negotiations there, it is our comfort, that we need fear no invasion from their armada; that the mutability of their counsels, their pretensions in Italy, their distance from Great Britain render it impracticable for them, to annoy or distress us. And if king Philip's resignation of that crown was a good argument the last year, for continuing the 4,000 augmentation troops, then his resumption of it now must be a good one for disbanding them this year.

The emperor's personal obligations to Great Britain are such, that it is impossible for him to entertain any ill intentions against us, either on account of the Ostend-East-India Company, or of his Majesty's glorious endeavours to remove the religious grievances in Germany, and to promote the Protestaut interest there, of which he is the great guardian. The Dutch are our old natural allies, and always ready to assist us. Nor is it their fault, that we have sometimes disputed amongst our selves concerning the expence of transporting their auxiliar forces. They are bound to us, by ancient ties of gratitude, for their original preservation, and by, what is yet a stronger cement, their own present interest and safety.

As to the two northern crowns of Sweden and Denmark, they have in their turns received

as well as many smaller supplies since, were raised on that account. Besides, we are to hope our expeditions into the Baltic, under the conduct of a brave officer (sir John Norris) here present, have been as effectual as they have been expensive, and that our fleet has not only awed them into a reconciliation betwixt themselves, but into an absolute submission to Great Britain.

The Czar is stretching his conquests into remote parts of the world, and if what we hear of a late treaty be true, that it is made entirely in favour of Great Britain, without any regard to foreign principalities, we can apprehend nothing from our new ally, who is otherwise so fully employed. For however extensive our mediating care may be, I presume we are not engaged with him to oppose the intended succession of the crown of Poland, or to settle the balance of empire in Persia.

If such then is our prosperous situation at home and abroad, why should we be denied the promised happy consequences of it? why should we be afraid of reducing our land forces? why should we not at least strike off the 4,000 augmentation troops, in compassion to a nation loaded, and almost sunk with debt? For should a storm arise after this calm, should any new events produce a rupture in Europe, it will be time enough, if we are either prompted by our own heroic disposition, or bound by any inviolable treaties, to enter into the quarrels of the Continent, I say, it will be time enough when the war shall be actually declared, to lend our assistance to those, whom we voluntarily espouse, or to perform our engagements to our respective allies, if they shall not be found romantic and impracticable. We have the opinion of a most eminent author in civil learning, That it is more grievous to any 'nation to bear the least extraordinary taxes, in times of peace, than to endure the greatest impositions in times of war. Because a war may prove advantageous, may terminate in conquest and glorious acquisitions. But a con'tinuance of extraordinary taxes, without it, 'must inevitably end in poverty and ruin.'

Now I can never be so unjust to his Majesty's most mild and gracious government, as to ascribe our present tranquillity to the continuance of an extraordinary number of troops, any more than I can believe, it would cease at the reduction of part of them. This would be a dangerous, as well as an absurd doctrine, with relation to us at home. For should it be admitted, that above eighteen thousand land forces have not only procured our present tranquillity, but that they are absolutely necessary to the security of the kingdom; then it will follow, that the same number will always be absolutely necessary; that a military power is the most pacific form of govern ment; and that an army will be a better preserver of peace and plenty, a better guardian of our civil and religious rights, than the

law of the land. This doctrine too, consider ed with regard to the respect and influence we may have abroad, is as absurd and ill grounded; for that respect and influence can never proceed from the number of land forces, we may think fit to burthen ourselves with in time of peace; but it must proceed from the advantages of our natural situation, from our naval strength, from our extended commerce, from our vast riches, which have enabled us to carry on long and expensive wars; to maintain, when our allies failed in their quotas, three great armies at once in three distant nations; and these advantages will ever enable us to hold the balance of power in Europe, unless worn out with unnecessary and insupportable taxes.

But if not so much as the four thousand augmentation troops are to be parted with, if they are to be continued till the pretences of all the princes in Europe shall be adjusted, till the different interests of different nations shall be reconciled, till the claim of Bremen and Verden shall be fully settled and ac quiesced in, till the long expected form of a congress shall be completed, I freely owp, I am not without my apprehensions, that our immense national debt, instead of being annually reduced, will be daily increased; that our present grievances, for grievances we have in the midst of all our tranquillity, instead of being speedily removed, will become perpetual, and we may dream of blessings we shall never enjoy.

culous accession to the crown and as the spirits and discontents which raised that rebellion were not yet wholly extinguished and subdúed, they would soon see insurrections at home, and the peace of Europe disturbed abroad, if they parted with the army.

The question being put upon Mr. Pelham's motion, it was carried in the affirmative by 206 voices against 69; and resolved, 1. That the number of effective men to be provided for guards and garrisons in Great Britain, and for Jersey and Guernsey, for the year 1725, be (including 1,815 invalids) 18,264 men; comnission and non commissioned officers included. 2. That the sum of 654,4887. 17s. 8d. be granted for the charge of the said 18,264 effective men, for the year 1725. 3. That the sum of 152,6371. 16s. 5d. be granted for maintaining his Majesty's forces and garrisons in the plantations, Minorca and Gibraltar, and for provisions for the garrisons of Annapolis Royal, Placentia, and Gibraltar, for the year 1725. 4. The sum of 12,000l. upon account for out-pensioners of Chelsea hospital, for the year 1725. And, 5. The sum of 16,8411. 8s. 6d. for the defraying several extraordinary expences and services, incurred and not provided for by the parliament. These Resolutions being the next day reported, were agreed to by the House.

REPORT OF PRECEDENTS OF PUNISHMENTS FOR BREACH OF THE PRIVILEGES OF THE

Mr. Yonge retorted these arguments with great vivacity and address. He said, among other things, He was obliged to the gentleman that spoke on the other side, for furnishing him with reasons for keeping up the present number of troops: That the prosperous situation of afairs, the peace with all powers abroad, and the perfect tranquillity at home, being, in a great measure, owing to the good posture we were in, both by sea and land, which made us respected abroad, and secure at home, it were imprudence not to continue those forces on the same foot. That the parliament had indeed obliged king Willian of glorious memory, to reduce his army to 7000 men. But what was the consequence of it? Why truly, the French king was thereby encouraged to acknowledge and proclaim the Pretender, as king of England, and to seize on the monarchy of Spain, which was the occasion of a long, bloody, and expensive war. That as to the reduction of the army after the peace of Utrecht, it was well known that it was principally owing to those who were for having an army of another stamp. That this reduction would have proved fatal to the Protestant succession, had some people had time to ripen their designs. That at least it encouraged a great rebellion soon after his Majesty's happy, and almost mira

to what Punishments have been inflicted, or methods taken to vindicate the Honour of this House, in cases of any Breach of their Lordships' Privilege, or Contempts to this House.

Nov. 25. The lord Delawar acquainted the House, That the Lords' Committees appointed to search Precedents, as to what Punishments have been inflicted, or methods taken to vindicate the Honour of this House, in cases of any Breach of their Lordships' Privilege, or Contempts to this House, had inspected Precedents accordingly; and had prepared a Rcport; which he was ready to make, when their lordships will please to receive the same.

Ordered, That the said Report be now received.

Accordingly his lordship reported from the said Committee, as follows:

"That the Committee have inspected the

Journals of this House, in relation to the matters to them referred; and think proper to offer to your lordships' consideration the following instances; viz.

"February 27, 1620. Richard Reynolds and Robert Wright, for arresting a servant to the earl of Oxford, were ordered to be set on horseback, near Westminster-hall; neither of them to have cloak or hat; but to have on their breasts and backs papers, expressing their fault; (viz.) [ For a contemptuous breach of