design to invade his dominions, that it had been the most unpardonable want of duty, and a criminal supineness in bis ministers, not to take all possible precautions against it. And as to any measures that had been taken many years ago, and to which another member ascribed the convulsions which now threaten the tranquillity of Europe, he was not at all concerned in those measures; and so could say nothing to them; neither were, indeed, such remote and groundless causes a proper subject for their present consideration.

princes leads them to aspire and grasp at exorbitant power, or to acquire and possess themselves of any valuable rights and privileges belonging to the subjects of your Majesty and your allies, all guarantees, and the most solemn engagements of faith and gratitude to your Majesty, purchased by the blood and treasure of this nation, are cancelled and forgot; and it is vainly imagined that your Majesty must either tamely submit to, and patiently acquiesce under, the greatest indignities and injuries to your crown and people, or be insulted with menaces and projects in favour of a popish Pretender.

"But your Majesty's loyal, faithful, and

At last, the question being put upon Mr. Onslow's motion, it was carried in the affirmative, by 251 voices against 81: and a Committee was appointed to draw up an Addres ac-affectionate subjects, the Commons of Great cordingly, which was the next day reported and agreed to.

The Commons' Address of Thanks.] January 19. The Commons presented the same to his Majesty as follows:

"Most Gracious Sovereign,

"We your Majesty's most dutiful_and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, return your Majesty our humblest thanks for your most gracious speech from the throne.

"The communication, which your Majesty has been pleased to make, of the proceedings and transactions in Europe for some time past, and of the engagements entered into between the emperor and the king of Spain, is an instance of your Majesty's singular goodness, in being as desirous to give your people all reasonable satisfaction, as you have ever been solicitous for their good and welfare.

Britain, sensible of the inestimable blessings they enjoy under your Majesty's most gracious. and happy government, have too great a regard to the honour and dignity of your crown, and too much abhorrence and detestation of an abjured Pretender, to suffer these vain terrors to have any ill effect upon their minds or deliberations.

"It is with indignation that we see this injurious treatment and these provoking insults; and it is with an unshaken fidelity and resolution, that we are determined, with our lives and fortunes, to stand by and support your Majesty against all your enemies.

"We must, at the same time, with all gratitude, acknowledge your Majesty's wisdom and vigilance, in strengthening yourself with the alliance of powers united in interest, and best able to withstand the impending danger, and to support the common cause of Europe.

"We see, with the greatest satisfaction, the naval power of Great-Britain appearing in distant regions, in its proper lustre, so usefully and wisely employed to carry safety and protection to your own subjects and to your allies, and to curb and restrain the boasted projects of the disturbers of the peace of Europe.

"We are very sensible of the fatal tendency of the sudden and unaccountable conjunction between those two crowns; and as this nation has always looked with jealous eyes upon the very beginning of every attempt made by their neighbours to establish a commerce, at the hazard and to the prejudice of our undoubted "And as we cannot but look upon the mearights and privileges; we cannot but be great- sures and resolutions concerted and taken in ly alarmed to see these incroachments upon opposition to, and in defiance of the most our trade, and notorious infractions of treaties, solemn Treaties, as tending to an immediate accompanied with a scheme of greatness that rupture, we humbly beseech your Majesty, that lays the foundation of a most exorbitant power, you will be pleased forthwith to give the newhich, if not timely opposed, and withstood cessary orders for putting this kingdom into a with vigour and resolution, may become for- posture of defence; and we assure your Mamidable to all Europe, and enable the aggres-jesty, that we will not only cheerfully and efsors, without controul, to maintain their unwarrantable attempts.

"Nor can we at all doubt of the spirit and design of this new friendship and aliiance, when we see it cemented by mutual obligations for supporting one of the contracting powers in the unjustifiable and usurped exercise of the Ostend trade, at the same time that a peremptory demand is made and insisted upon by the other, for the restitution of Gibraltar, a place of such importance to the trade of this kingdom.

"But the consideration that creates the highest resentment in your faithful Commons is, to see that whenever the ambition of foreign

fectually raise the Supplies necessary for the present exigency of affairs, but will support your Majesty in making good your engagements with your allies, in preserving the balance of power in Europe, in defending the present possessions of the crown of Great-Britain, in supporting the trade of this nation against all unjustifiable and pernicious incroachments, and in defeating and confounding all attempts that shall be made in favour of the Pretender, and for the destruction of our religion, liberties, and properties.

"And that all, who wish well to the peace and quiet of your Majesty's government, may have the satisfaction to see, that our present

answer to lord Bathurst alledged, That the Treaty of Hanover being purely defensive, had made no alteration in the treaties subsisting before, either between the contracting powers, or other princes and states: that the true aim and intention of this alliance was a reciprocal guarantee for the protecting and maintaining the dominions and countries, both in and out of Europe, whereof each of the allies was actually possessed, at the time of the signing of this alliance: so that by acceding thereto, the crowns of Great Britain and France became guarantees of the 5th and 6th articles of the treaties of Munster, by which the Dutch are trade in the East-Indies: but that this guarantee was reciprocal between Great Britain and the States General, since by the treaty of 1667, Spain had granted to England the same rights and privileges which the Dutch enjoyed by the said 5th and 6th articles of the treaty of Westphalia: that therefore the suppressing of the Ostend Company, which manifestly in

of a positive promise by the king of Great Britain, for the restitution of Gibraltar: which could not be supposed to have been said without some foundation; and therefore it would be highly necessary to inquire, whether such a promise was ever made; and whether any thing like it was mentioned in the treaty concluded at Madrid? That all possible methods of an aunicable accommodation ought to be tried before they engaged in a war, which, in our present circumstances, might be attended with very dangerous consequences. That the nation is loaded with a debt of above fifty millions: That though they are told of a Sinking Fund applied to the gradual discharge of that.intitled to exclusive rights and privileges of burden, yet it was more to be wished than expected, that the operation of that wise contrivance should suffer no interruption, by the exigencies inseparable from a war. That one of our best mathematicians has foretold, That if ever England raises above five millions in a year, it will infallibly be exhausted in a few years: That if, at this juncture, we should enter upon a war, and not meddle with the Sinking-vaded those exclusive rights and privileges was Fund, according to the scheme of those in the administration, they must be obliged to raise, at least, seven millions a year upon the people of England; the consequence of which was obvious to any one who admitted the principle of that great mathématician. That in some of the papers laid before the House, mention was nade of great sums of money distributed to bring some measures to bear: that for his own part, he had touched neither Spanish nor English gold; he was neither a Spaniard nor a Frenchinan; but a true Englishman; and as long as he had the honour to sit in that House, he would speak and act for the good of his country. That therefore he would sum up all he had said, with earnestly desiring their lordships seriously to consider the matter before them, which was of the last consequence and importance to the whole nation: What (said he) can we get by a war, if it be a successful one? I will say it in one word, Nothing. What can we lose if it be unprosperous? I will say it in one word, in a syllable, All.

The Duke of Argyle stood up next, and took notice of an insinuation in lord Bathurst's speech, grounded on a suggestion from the duke de Bournonville, as if the court of France might think themselves disengaged from the Hanover alliance, on account of one of the contracting parties in that Treaty, withdrawing himself from it: But that he might assure the House, that the king of France stood firm to bis engagements, and, in the course of this whole affair, had acted in perfect concert with his Britannic Majesty: To evince which, his grace desired, That the clerk might read the letters on the table, from count de Morville, secretary of state to the most Christian king, to Mr. Walpole, the British ambassador in France, and to signior Massei, the pope's nuncio at Madrid, which were read accordingly, and gave great satisfaction to the House.

The Lord Townshend stood up next, and in

become a common cause between us and the Dutch; that our concern therein is almost equal to theirs; since our East-India trade brings about 300,000l. a year into the customs, which being part of the general mortgage, if so considerable a branch of trade should be lost, that yearly sum would be taken from the sinking fund. That by former treaties Great Britain was guarantee to the Dutch for their barrier in the Netherlands, as reciprocally, by the same treaties they were guarantees to Great Britain for the Protestant succession; So that, in those respects, we stood no more engaged to them, than they to us. That, indeed, by their act of accession to the Hanover alliance, the States General exempt themselves from the general guarantee of the treaties of Westphalia and Ŏliva, to which they never stood engaged; but nevertheless, by the same act they engage themselves to employ jointly with Great Britain and France their friendly offices for obtaining a reasonable satisfaction and reparation, as to the infractions which might have been made in the treaty of Oliva; which is as much as the contracting powers. have engaged themselves to, by the first secret article of the treaty of Hanover; and is, indeed, as little as the Protestant potentates could do in commiseration of the great severities lately exercised against the Protestants of Thorn. That as to the indecent expressions of the duke de Ripperda, they were not alledged as a just foundation for a rupture with Spain; but only as corroborating indications of an offensive alliance between that prince and the emperor, of which there were such convincing proofs, as left no room to doubt it. That as to the secret article of that alliance in favour of the Pretender, his Majesty had rereceived from several parts such positive informations, that if the safety of the state permitted to lay those advices before the House, they would no more question the certainty of

such an article, than if they had been present at the signing of it. But his lordship hoped that illustrious assembly would not think any of his Majesty's servants, who had the honour to sit amongst them, so audacious as to tell them downright untruths, or to presume to impose upon their lordships by alledging facts of so great importance, without sufficient vouchers. That as to the other articles of the secret of fensive alliance, relating to the supporting of the Ostend company, and the restitution of Gibraltar, the king of Spain and his ministers were so far from denying them, that on the contrary, they did not scruple publicly to avow them. That hereupon his Majesty could not, in prudence, but take early and proper measures to oppose an alliance so directly levelled against his crown and dignity, and invasive of the most valuable rights and privileges acquired to his subjects by the most solemn treaties. That, at the same time, notwithstanding these high provocations, his Majesty shewed his inclination and disposition to an amicable accommodation; and with this view, it was intimated to the courts of Vienna and Madrid, that if the emperor would remove the Ostend Company to Trieste, or any other place in his dominions, which did not heretofore belong to the Spanish monarchy, Great Britain would quietly acquiesce: But instead of accepting this proposal, those two courts not only seemed resolved to support the Ostend trade, but Spain, in the memorial lately presented by the marquis de Pozzo Bueno, insisted on the speedy restitution of Gibraltar, by virtue of a pretended positive promise, which exists no where; which put his Majesty, and the whole nation, under the necessity of a vigorous self-defence.

turned the balance of power. That we were never told what recoinpence Great Britain was to have for our excessive complaisance to the emperor, (as was owned in a late treatise wrote to justify the present measures,) in which it is alledged, "That we were hastening apace to make the emperor a power too great and too formidable; and that we should find in him, at last, the enemy we then dreaded only in another." Neither was it yet known what equivalent Great Britain was to have for Gibraltar, the restitution of which the most Christian king undertook to procure to the king of Spain, and which undoubtedly the regent of France would not have mentioned in the manifesto against Spain, unless he had obtained a previous promise for it. That whatever grounds there were for these counsels, the reason now given for running counter to them, is still the same; to wit, That it is the prerogative, as well as the interest of Great Britain, to hold the balance of power in Europe. That he did not absolutely deny this maxim: but as it might serve to justify any rupture, it ought to be confined within proper bounds; for if this prerogative were wantonly exerted, it might engage us in perpetual wars; and, at last, prove fatal to our trade, the inain spring of our wealth and power. That the republic of Venice was a pregnant instance of this truth, and a standing warning to all trading nations: for by their refined politics, and meddling too far in the differences of the great potentates of Europe, under pretence of holding the balance, they first lost their commerce, and soon after their greatness and consideration. That by our late quarrels with Spain, that branch of our trade which heretofore was very considerable, is almost entirely lost; and if upon account of the unprofitable, not to say ruinous trade to the East-Indies, we should now engage in a war against the emperor, it will endanger the loss of the great and profitable commerce we drive in Germany: Concluding, That we ought to try all possible means to bring matters in dis pute to an amicable accommodation to which the emperor seemed not disinclined.

Lord Bingley urged, That in our present situation, we should use all possible methods to avoid entering into a war, which might prove of long continuance, and of which we should be obliged to bear the main burden without any prospect of real advantage in the conclusion. That we were involved in an immense debt which could not be increased (as it would infallibly, in the progress of the war) without endangering the nation's sinking under the The Earl of Peterborough said, That let our load. That the distractions which now threat-circumstances be what they would, we ought to ened the peace of Europe, were mainly owing exert ourselves for the honour and dignity of to our fluctuating councils. That after a long the crown, and defend the just rights and privi and expensive, but most glorious war, we' bad, leges of the nation. at last, compassed the main end of the grand alliance, which was to give the house of Austria a reasonable satisfaction, and to settle the balance of power in Europe, both which were effectually done by the peace of Utrecht. But that upon his Majesty's accession, some persons made it their business to exclaim against all that had been done in the former glorious reign. That they had made the power and riches of Great Britain subservient to the boundless ambition of the house of Austria; having, in concert with France, formed the scheme of the quadruple alliance, and put the emperor in possession of Sicily, which bore down the scale on his side, and entirely over

Lord Carteret answered lord Bingley, urging, That it was no wonder that noble lord so highly applauded the peace of Utrecht, and ascribed our misfortunes to the measures pursued in this reign: for this way of reasoning became well enough those who had gone so great lengths with the late Queen's last ministers. Nor was it, for the same reason, at all surpris ing, his lordship should give so melancholy a prospect of our affairs: that the courts of Vienna and Madrid undoubtedly entertained the same notions of Great Britain, else they would not dare to insult us; to offer indignities to his Majesty, and to treat our ministers with contempt, making them wait in an anti-cham

ber for a cedula: that we ought not invidi- new alliance: that their act of accession ously to inquire into the causes of our misfor-was- in reality no accession at all; since tupes; but consider of proper means to do they exempt themselves from the general ourselves justice, and to make suitable returns guaranty of the treaties of Munster and Oliva, to his Majesty's paternal care in laying before and of any possessions in dispute, wherehis Parliament the present state of affairs in as we stand engaged to guaranty all their preEurope, and the measures taken to prevent tensions to trade, and their barrier in the Nethe dangers that threatened us: that we want therlands: adding, that the guaranty of the neither wealth nor strength, and, he hoped, we treaty of Oliva mentioned in the first separate should not want spirit to assert our rights, and article of the treaty of Hanover, was not conto maintain his Majesty and his royal progeny fined to good offices, but extended to see that on the throne: That the example of the repub- treaty supported, maintained and observed to lic of Venice far from deterring us, ought rather all intents and purposes: that the king of to excite us to make our last efforts to support Prussia, one of the original contracting powers the commerce of these kingdoms, against the in the treaty of Hanover, having refused to signencroachments made upon it contrary to the the said act of accession, seemed thereby to most solemn treaties; for the decay of that have renounced or withdrawn himself from that powerful state was not owing to their meddling alliance, since by the seventh article of it, the with the differences among the potentates of States General were particularly invited to acEurope, but rather to the loss of the great cede to it: that they wanted several informatrade they carried on in the East-Indies, through tions relating to the negociations and meathe Red Sea; by reason of the settlements sures mentioned in his Majesty's speech; which the Portuguese, and after them the Dutch which were the subject-matter of their present and other nations, made there: That our consideration, and ought to be well examined share in the East-India trade is neither so in- into, before they approved those measures. considerable, nor so unprofitable, as some were pleased to represent it: that, indeed, as that commerce drains Europe of a great deal of silver, and returns only trifling commodities, that serve to feed luxury, and which consequently we might be without, it were, perhaps, to be wished that it might be entirely laid aside: but that this must be done by the general consent of all the states concerned in it; otherwise they who gave it up would be obliged to buy at a dear rate of them who should carry it on, those commodities which custom have rendered in a manner necessary that as to the trade to Spain, we have, for many years past, lost a great part of it: but that, on the other hand, we have very much enlarged our dealings with Portugal, which are far more ad

vantageous to us. And as for our trade to Germany, though the emperor may cramp and restrain it, in his hereditary dominions, as he has already done by prohibiting several of our commodities, that loss is inconsiderable, since he cannot deprive us of our commerce to the other parts of the empire, and the North, by the way of Hamburgh, Dantzick and other Hanse towns. That though in many things he differed from the noble lords, who spoke on the other side, yet he agreed with them, that peace is more eligible than war, especially for a trading nation; and therefore that all possible methods of accommodation ought to be tried. That it was yet uncertain, whether we ought to look upon the emperor and the king of Spain as friends or enemies that the best friends may sometimes fall out; but as no prince has a right to encroach upon others, the most effec tual way to restore amity, was to come to vigorous resolution's; and to put ourselves in a posture of doing ourselves justice.

Lord Lechmere endeavoured to shew, That we stand upon very unequal, very unreasonable and very unjust terms with the Dutch, in this

with respect to Spain. His lordship being anResolution approving of the Measures taken swered by the duke of Argyle, the lord Townshend moved, "That it fully appears to this Speech, and the Letters and Memorials laid Committee, upon consideration of his Majesty's before the House by his Majesty's order, That the measures his Majesty has thought fit to take were honourable, just, and necessary for preventing the execution of the dangerous engagements entered into in favour of the Pretender, for preserving the dominions belonging to the crown of Great Britain by solemn treaties, and particularly those of Gibraltar and the island of Minorca, and for maintaining to his people their and the peace and tranquillity of Europe." most valuable rights and privileges of Commerce Then the question being put upon the said motion, it was agreed to by a great majority.

Protest against the said Resolution.] The House being resumed, the lord De la War reported the said Resolution; and the same being twice read, the question was put, whether to agree with the Committee in this resolution ? It was resolved in the affirmative. Content 98,

not content 25.

"Dissentient"

1. "The Resolution of the Committee being not only a justification of the measures therein mentioned, but tending to approve the counsels which have been given to the crown relating thereto, we can by no means agree, that it fully appears they were honourable, just, and necessary, before they have been maturely and distinctly considered; the only question as yet debated in the Committee (except the resolution) being upon an address of advice to his Majesty for obtaining a further security from and confidence with his allies, in case of a rupture; which Address appeared to us more reasonable and necessary, in the present coa