Chelsea; but even her visits to a favourite minister were subjected to form and etiquette: she sat down to table with lady Walpole, the royal family whom she brought with her, and the lady in waiting: sir Robert always stood behind her chair, and gave her the first plate; then retired into another apartment, where dinner was served for him and the queen's household.

"Queen Caroline was fond of conversing and corresponding with men of learning, and particularly with divines, whom she often perplexed with questions concerning the doctrines of the different churches, and consulted with a view of settling her faith. Hoadley, Clarke, Hare, and Sherlocke, were among the number to whom she principally applied. She carried on a correspondence on these subjects, by means of her bed-chamber woman, Mrs. Clayton, afterwards lady Sundon, who had acquired a powerful ascendancy over her. The divine whom she most particularly noticed, and by

whose conversation she often owned that she was most instructed, was Dr. Clarke, whose profound learning, in all branches of sacred and profane literature, was scarcely ever equalled, whose piety was unquestioned, and whose playful manners and placid temper rendered him as amiable as he was learned. Dr. Clarke had only the rectory of St. James's, which was given him by queen Anne, and the mastership of Wigston Hospital; and queen Caroline proposed placing him on the bench, an honour which Clarke invariably declined. Finding that he persisted in his refusal, sbe desired sir Robert Walpole to try the powers of his rhetoric, which had never been employed in vain on a similar occasion. The minister obeyed; and in a conference at Kensington palace, used every argument in his power to prevail on Clarke to accept the proffered dignity: when Clarke declined, he continued to press it; and the conference was so long that the candles were burnt down in the sockets; and the pages came into the apartment to know if fresh lights were not wanted. But the rhetoric of the miVOL. VIII.

and Queens do reign, to bless the royal King George the Second, with long and happy years to reign over us.

"Given at the Court at Leicester House, this 14th day of June, 1727. God save the King."

The Parliament meets.] June 15. The Parliament, though prorogued to the 27th of June, met this day, in pursuance of the Act of the 4th and 5th of Queen Anne, chap. 8, by which it is enacted as follows, viz: That this present Parliament, or any other parliament hereafter summoned by her Majesty, her beirs and successors, shall not be determined or dissolved by the death or demise of her said Majesty, or of her heirs and successors; but such parliament shall continue, and immediately meet, sit, and act, notwithstanding such death or demise, during the time of six months, unless the same shall be sooner prorogued, or dis solved, by such person who shall be next heir

nister had no effect, and the queen was highly disappointed, that she was prevented from placing Dr. Clarke on the bench of bishops.

"Queen Caroline maintained a correspon dence with Leibnitz on the most abstract sciences, in which she supremely delighted; and in the course of this literary intercourse, the German philosopher having insinuated some suspicions that the foundations of natural religion were in danger of being hurt by the doctrines of Sir Isaac Newton, she applied to Clarke for an auswer to this suggestion. The answer brought on a reply, and the reply a second answer, and the controversy was carried on with all the spirit and learning which those great philosophers could throw into such dry subjects as the principles of natural religion and philosophy, and free-will and fatality. They submitted their respective arguments to the princess as to an umpire; and vied in unfolding their systems in as conspicuous a manner as the nature of so intricate a subject would allow. The princess was highly flattered with this arbitration, and permitted Dr. Clarke, whose opi nion she seems to have embraced, to dedicate to her the account of the controversy. In this dedication, the learned author has not omitted to pay a tribute to her desire of knowledge and love of truth, in a strain of panegyric which could hardly be avoided on such an occasion. Nor was it solely dictated by flattery; for Whiston informs us, that he often heard Clarke, speak with admiration of her marvellous sagacity and judgment, in the several parts of the dispute.

But although this accomplished princess possessed considerable influence over George the Second, she had acted with so much caution, and behaved with such moderation and prudence, that she was considered at the time of his accession, by the party in opposition, as a mere cypher, and the whole, power and influence over the King was supposed to be lodged in the hands of Mrs. Howard, afterwards countess of Suffolk." Coxe's Walpole. 2 Q

to the crown of this realm in succession.' The Parliament being met accordingly was prorogued by commission from his Majesty King George the Second, till the 27th instant.

The King's Speech to both Houses on his Accession to the Crown.] June 27. His Majesty, being seated on his royal throne, adorned with his crown and regal ornaments, and attended with his officers of state; the Lords being also in their robes; commanded the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod to let the Commous know, His Majesty commands their Immediate attendance in this House.' Who being come, with their Speaker; his Majesty was pleased to speak as follows:

"My Lords, and Gentlemen,

"I am persuaded that you all share with me in my grief and affliction for the death of my late royal father; which, as it brings upon me the immediate care and weight of the government, adds very much to my concern, lest I should not be as successful in my endeavours, as I am above all things desirous, to make you a great and happy people.

"I heartily wish that this first solemn declaration of my mind in parliament could sufficiently express the sentiments of my heart, and give you a perfect and just sense of my fixed resolution, by all possible means, to merit the love and affection of my people; which I shall always look upon as the best support and secu rity of my crown.

"And as the religion, liberty, property, and a due execution of the laws, are the most valuable blessings of a free people, and the peculiar privileges of this nation; it shall be my constant care to preserve the constitution of this kingdom, as it is now happily established in Church and State, inviolable in all its parts; and to secure to all my subjects the full enjoyment of their religious and civil rights. "I see with great pleasure the happy effects of that vigour and resolution which was exert ed, in the last session of parliament, for the defence of the rights and possessions of this nation, and for maintaining the tranquillity and balance of power in Europe. The strict union and harmony which has hitherto subsisted among the allies of the treaty of Hanover has chiefly contributed to the near prospect of a general peace; I have therefore given all my allies the strongest assurances of pursuing the same measures, and of making good the engagements entered into by the crown of Great Britain.

"The chearfulness with which the Supplies necessary for carrying on this great work were raised, making it but just that the public expence should be lessened as soon as the circumstances of affairs will permit; I have already given orders for sending back some of the regiments brought from Ireland; and will proceed to reduce my forces, both by sea and land, as soon as it can be done without prejudice to the common cause, and consistent with the interest of my kingdom.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; "You know very well that the grant of the greatest part of the Civil List revenues is now determined, and that it is necessary for you to make a new provision for the support of me and my family. I am confident it is needless for me, in any particular manner, to recommend to your care the consideration of what so nearly and personally concerns me; and I am persuaded, that the experience of past times, and a due regard to the honour and digpity of the crown, will prevail upon you to give me this first proof of your zeal and affection, in a manner answerable to the necessities of my government.

"My Lords, and Gentlemen;

"I recommend it to you to give all possible dispatch to such business as shall necessarily be brought before you; the season of the year, and the circumstances of time, requiring your presence in the country, and making it impro per to carry this session into any great length." Which Speech being ended; his Majesty was pleased to retire.

The Lords' Address of Condolance, Congratulation, and Thanks.] Upon a Motion of the earl of Chesterfield, the Lords unanimously voted the following Address of Condolence, Congratulation, and Thanks; which was presented on the 28th.

"Most Gracious Sovereign;

"We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in parliament assembled, beg leave to return your Majesty our most hearty and unfeigned Thanks for your Majesty's most gracious Speech from the throne, and to assure your Majesty, that though we are affected with the utmost sorrow at the Death of our late gracious Sovereign, our hearts are at the same time filled with an inexpressible joy at your Majesty's peaceable and happy Accession to the throne of your royal ancestors.

"Your Majesty's tender concern for your people, and your most gracious and solemn declaration, That you will always esteem their love and affection as the best support of your crown; that it shall be your constant care to 'preserve the constitution of this kingdom in'violable, as it is now happily established in 'church and state; and that you will secure to 'all your subjects the full enjoyment of their

religious and civil rights,' claims our most sincere and dutiful acknowledgments; and may justly be depended upon from your Majesty, who so early and so eminently distin guished yourself in defence of the Protestant cause, and the liberties of Europe in general.

" Nothing can be a greater encouragement to your Majesty's good subjects in the faithful discharge of their duty, than your royal approbation of that vigour and resolution, which was exerted in the last session of parliament for the defence of the rights and possessions of this nation, and for maintaining the tranquillity and balance of power in Europe; nor can

dress, entitle her to all degrees of grandeur, which any former queen consort ever enjoyed; I say if her majesty's establishment should be enlarged, I presume the establishment for prince Frederick will be much inferior to that settled on his present Majesty when prince of Wales. Besides our ardent wishes for his Majesty's constant residence in these kingdoms, and his royal intentions of making us a great and happy people, give us hopes, that many personal, inany particular expences in the late reign, especially those for frequent journies to Hanover, will be discontinued and entirely

cease.

Nor is it any objection to the reasoning of that time, when the 700,000l. was granted to the late king, or to the computations then made, that this sum is said to have been found by the experience of past times, to be not answerable to the necessities of the civil government.

For this experience could not be found in the queen's reigu, because her civil list branches seldom amounted to 600,000l. commonly to about 550,000l. and sometimes to very little above 500,000l. as appears by accounts formerly laid before this House; and I will not suppose those accounts which were brought from the treasury to be otherwise than true, in regard to my honourable friend-I ask pardon, I should have said, the honourable member, for there is no friendship betwixt us. But he must give me leave to observe, That when he asserts her civil list branches amounted to above 700,000l. yearly, he can only mean the gross, and not the neat produce, which is a very uncandid and fallacious way arguing.

of

in the like manner, that she ordered a considerable reduction to be made of her civil governs ment expences. I have seen a scheine of this. reduction, as it was actually settled a little before her death, and intended to commence the Lady-day following. It would be tedious to go through all the particular articles of it, and I will only name three or four. The cofferer's office payments were reduced from 85,0001, to 75,000l. The allowances for foreign ministers, from 75,000l. to 30,000l. Pensions and bounties from upwards of 87,490l. to 60,000l. Secret services from 27,000l. to 20,000l. a sum surprizingly small, when compared with the late disbursements on that head. In short, the whole yearly expences were designed to be reduced to 459.9417. and that would have been done without eclipsing the glory of the crown, which, some gentlenen so roundly affirm, cannot now be maintained under almost a double appointment.

Though her revenues were so low, yet she called upon her parliament but once in a reign of above thirteen years, to pay the debts contracted in her civil government; and it is a justice due to the memory of that excellent princess, to remind gentlemen of the unparalleled instances of her piety and generosity, which occasioned those debts. She gave the first fruits and tenths, arising now, as the honourable member, who made this motion, says, to 19,000l. a year, for the augmentation of the maintenance of the poor clergy: she gave 5,000l. a year out of the post office to the duke of Marlborough: she suffered 700l. a week to be likewise charged on the post office for the public service, and by that concession lost a vast sum, the additional duty then producing only 8,000l. a year: she gave several hundred thousand pounds for building the castle of Blenheim: she allowed prince Charles of Denmark 4000 a year; she sustained great losses by the Tin contract: she supported the poor Palatines: she gave 100,000l. to the uses of the war. These, with many other royal boun ties, which escape my present remembrance, were the reasons that brought her under a necessity of asking for 500,000l. But she was so sensible of the inconvenience, and so determined never to apply to her parliament again

From hence it appears plainly, that this ar gument of the experience of past times can have no reference to the queen's reign. It must therefore be applied, though but in the plural number, to the late administration only; and I confess, if the same management was to be continued, if the same ministers were to be again employed, a million a year would not be sufficient to carry on the exorbitant expences, so often, and so justly complained of in this House. For it is notorious, it is fresh in all our memories, that besides the yearly 700,000l. there have been many occasional taxes, many excessive sums raised, and they have been all sunk in that bottomless gulf of secret service. First, the memorable 250,000l. was raised in defiance of the ancient parliamentary methods, to secure us from the apprehensions of a Swedish invasion. Then the two insurance offices were erected in as irregular a manner, by a bill brought into this House at the latter end of a session, and after the committce of supply had been closed, upon the honourable member's return into power; and those Bubbles paid near 300,000l. for their charters. Then a new scene of affairs opening in Sweden changed our enmity into an alliance, and there was a subsidy of 72,000l. implicitly granted to make good some secret bargain and engagement with that crown. At the same tine near 24,000l. were given for burning two merchant-ships arrived from infected places; but though the goods as well as the ships were paid for by this House, that they night, with out injury to the owners, be destroyed for the public safety, yet most of them were privately conveyed into counties adjacent to the port where the ships lay, and sold there. Then soon after a sum of 500,000l. was demanded and granted for the payment of the Civil List Debts; on which occasion his late Majesty declared in his Message, That he was resolv 'ed to cause a retrenchment to be made of his expences for the future.' But notwithstanding that resolution, in less than four years, the necessities of the government having rendered