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side, to the time specified in the preceding ar- | ticle. The said commissaries shall likewise examine, and decide according to the treaties, the respective pretensions, which relate to the abuses that are supposed to have been committed in commerce, as well in the Indies as in Europe, and all the other respective pretensions in America, founded on treaties, whether with respect to the limits, or otherwise. The said commissaries shall likewise discuss and decide the pretensions which his catholic majesty may have, by virtue of the treaty of 1721, for the restitution of the ships taken by the English fleet in 1718. And the said commissaries, after having examined, discussed, and decided the abovesaid points and pretensions, shall make a report of their proceedings to their Britannic and Catholic majesties, who promise, that within the space of six months after making the said report, they will cause to be executed, punctually and exactly, what shall have been so decided by the said commissaries."

The seventh article contains a stipulation of commissaries, to be appointed on the part of his most Christian and Catholic majesties, for deciding all differences. The eighth article limits the time for the several commissaries finishing their commissions to three years.

By the ninth article, 6000 of his Catholic majesty's troops are, without loss of time, to garrison Leghorn, Porto Ferraro, Parma and Placentia, which troops shall serve for the better securing and preserving of the immediate succession of the said states, in favour of the most serene infant don Carlos, and to be ready to withstand any enterprise and opposition, which might be formed, to the prejudice of what has been regulated touching the succession.

By the tenth article, the contracting powers are to use the softest and most effectual means of persuading the dukes of Tuscany and Parma, that the garrisons might be quietly received; and stipulating the taking of an oath to be faithful to the regnant powers, in every thing that shall not be contrary to the right of the succession, reserved to the most serene infant don Carlos. It is likewise stipulated, that the said garrison shall not meddle directly nor indirectly in the government of the places where they are garrisoned, and render to the dukes of Tuscany and Parma, all the, honours, that are due to sovereigns in their own dominions.

By the eleventh article, his Catholic majesty engages to withdraw his troops from the said garrisons, as soon as the said successions are quietly settled in the person of don Carlos his son. By the twelfth article, the contracting powers become guarantees for don Carlos quietly possessing and enjoying the said states of Tuscany, Parma, and Placentia, after he has succeeded thereunto.

By the thirteenth article, the kings of England and France promise to ratify and guarantee all the particular regulations that shall be concerted between his Catholic majesty and the two dukesof Tuscany and Parma, relating to the

said garrisons. The 14th article stipulates, that the States General of the United Provinces shall be invited to accede to the treaty, the ratifications of which were to be dispatched within the space of six weeks at farthest.

Besides these, there were two separate articles; the first, confirming the treaties of peace and commerce, concluded at Utrecht the 13th of July and 9th of December, in the year 1713, in which are comprised the treaty of 1687, made at Madrid, and the cedulas therein mentioned, the latter treaty made at Madrid the 14th of December, 1715, as also the particular contract, commonly called the Assiento, for bringing negro slaves into the Spanish Indies, which was made the 29th day of March, in the said year 1713, in consequence of the 12th article of the treaty of Utrecht, and likewise the treaty and declaration, touching that of the Assiento, made the 26th of May 1716. The 2nd separate article says, that all ships, merchandise and effects, which shall not have been taken or seized on account of unlawful commerce, and which shall now be proved by authentic documents, to have been detained, seized, or confiscated, in the ports of Spain, either in Europe or in the Indies; and namely, the ship Prince Frederic and her cargo, if they have not been restored already, shall be imme diately restored, in the same kind as to those things which shall be found still remaining in that condition; or in default thereof, the just and true value of them, according to their va luation, which, if it was not made at the time, shall be regulated by the authentic informa tions, which the proprietors shall exhibit to the magistrates of the places and towns, where the seizure is made. His Britannic majesty stipulates the same on his part, and all matters of controversy, not yet settled between the two nations, are to be left to the discussion of the commissaries, upon the footing of the treaties there abovementioned.

Such were the contents of the famous treaty of Seville, which afterwards produced such alterations as to the system of power in Europe, aided by the other events, which happened. This year, the French monarchy received a great accession of strength and security, by the birth of a dauphin in September.*

THIRD SESSION

OF THE

SEVENTH PARLIAMENT

OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

The King's Speech on Opening the Session.] January 13, 1730. The King came to the House of Peers, and the Commons attending, his Majesty made the following Speech to both Houses:

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"My Lords and Gentlemen;

"It is with great satisfaction I acquaint you, that we have at length extricated ourselves from the many difficulties and inconveniences that attended the uncertain state of affairs in Europe, by having concluded an absolute peace with the crown of Spain.

"This negociation hath been carried on, and finished, with a perfect union, harmony, and fidelity, between me and my Allies, with no other view but to prevent the miseries and confusion of a war, which if once kindled in Europe, it had been as hard to know the end, as to determine the success of such a fatal event.

"As this Alliance is built upon the foundation, and is agreeable to the purport and intentions, of former Treaties, without any alterations in the principal Articles, but such as tend to render more effectual, what the contracting powers in the Quadruple Alliance were before engaged to see performed, it is very justly to be presumed, that from this happy beginning, the great work, of a General Pacification, will soon be perfect and complete.

"But if, contrary to expectation, and in resentment of the present Engagements, any new troubles, although with little prospect of success, should be raised in Europe, to oppose or disappoint the execution of them, I am confident I shall not want the support and assistance of my parliament in so just a cause, which hath the joint concurrence of so many considerable powers, for the honour and credit of the present measures, and their united strength, in maintenance of our mutual stipulations.

"In the mean time, I can assure you that I have made it my first care to consult the immediate interests of these ny kingdoms, preferable to any other consideration, and at the hazard of all other events.

"All former Treaties and Conventions made with Spain, in favour of our Trade and Navigation, are renewed and confirmed; not only a free and uninterrupted exercise of our commerce, for the future, is restored; but just and ample restitution and reparation, for unlawful seizures and depredations, are expressly stipulated, and agreed to: In general, all rights, privileges, and possessions, in any manner belonging to me and my Allies, are solemnly reestablished, confirmed and guaranteed, and not one concession is made to the prejudice of me or my subjects.

"By this means, a foundation is laid for removing all former animosities and misunderstandings between the kingdoms of Great Britain and Spain: and it is not at all to be doubted, but that, by a faithful execution of our reciprocal engagements, a perfect friendship betwixt the two nations, united by the common ties of mutual interest, may be more strongly established and cemented than ever.

"And that my subjects might reap the earliest fruits of this advantageous peace, I gave orders for the immediate reduction of a great number of my Land-Forces, and for laying up and discharging a great part of my Fleet.

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"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; "This will make a considerable saving in expence of the current year, and I hope it will give a general satisfaction to my people, as it is a most sensible pleasure to me. proper estimates shall be laid before you, and I make no doubt but you will grant me the necessary supplies, and enable me to make good my engagements with my allies, in such manner as shall be most effectual for the public service, and most easy to your fellow subjects.

"You will see, by the Accounts that will he laid before you, the state, produce, and application of the Sinking Fund, às far as hath been hitherto directed by act of parliament; and you will not fail to take into your consideration the farther disposition of the growing produce: You are the best judges, whether the circumstances of the Sinking Fund, and of the National Debt, will as yet admit of giving ease, where the duties are most grievous. I have the greatest regard for the Sinking Fund, and look with compassion upon the hardships of the poor artificers and manufacturers. I leave it to your determination, what may reasonably and with due caution be done upon this critical consideration.

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My Lords and Gentlemen;

"That we may receive the natural advantages of our present situation, I must in the strongest manner recommend to you a perfect unanimity among yourselves; such as may entirely defeat the hopes of our enemies both at home and abroad: the groundless insinuations, cavils, and clamours of some few ill designing persons, to shake the steadiness of those powers who are already my Allies, or to hinder others from becoming so, will, by your unanimity, be rendered ineffectual; and I desire that the affections of my people may be the strength of my government, as their interest has always been the rule of my actions and the object of my wishes."

The Lords' Address of Thanks.] The Lords agreed upon which was presented to his Majesty on the following Address of Thanks,

the 14th:

"Most Gracious Sovereign;

"We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled, beg leave to return the humble Thanks of this House for your Ma jesty's most gracious Speech from the throne.

We humbly congratulate your Majesty upon your safe and happy arrival in this kingdom, and are deeply sensible, that nothing could in any degree alleviate the loss we must ever suffer by your Majesty's absence from us, but the prudent and happy administration of the government by the Queen, in the most critical conjuncture of affairs, under your Majesty's authority, and by your great example.

"We want words to express our joy and gratitude in congratulating your Majesty on your having concluded an absolute Peace with the crown of Spain; and when we reflect upon

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obligation upon us to place the greater trust and confidence in your Majesty, when we find by experience, that our military preparations are made only when the public necessities call upon your Majesty to defend your kingdoms, and are laid aside the very instant that our safety will admit of it.

the tender and anxious concern your Majesty has shewn, during the whole course of the late uncertain state of affairs in Europe, we cannot but look upon this happy event as a public reward from heaven for your Majesty's love of your people.

"The earnest desire of your Majesty to prevent the miseries and confusion unavoidable in war, (the events of which are far removed from all human foresight, even under the conduct of the greatest princes) and at the same time your steadiness and resolution in continuing the necessary preparations, joined with a perfect union and mutual fidelity between your Majesty and your allies, have at last surmounted all difficulties that stood in the way of our happiness.

"An Alliance built upon the foundation of former Treaties, and rendering more effectual what the contracting powers in the Quadruple Alliance were before obliged to perform; the confirming all former Conventions made with Spain in favour of our trade; the stipulating a just and ample restitution and reparation for unlawful seizures and depredations; and in general, the re-establishment and guarantee of all rights, privileges and possessions, in any manner belonging to your Majesty, or your Allies, without any concession being made to the prejudice of your Majesty, or your subjects, are conditions intirely agreeable to the true interest of Great Britain, equal even to those we might have expected after a prosperous war, as the fruits of victories, if your Majesty's unwearied labours for peace had 1 been unsuccessful.

"We have the greatest reason to believe, that a general pacification will be the conse quence of this happy beginning; for your Majesty, having no ambition but to defend the honour and rights of this nation, to see our trade flourish, and to reign over a happy and willing people, is ever averse to war: and, on the other side, so just a cause, supported by the united strength of so many considerable allies, joined in interest for the tranquillity of Europe, will incline other powers to peace. This, we hope, will produce an universal approbation of the present engagements. But as your Majesty's first care has been to consult the immediate interests of these your kingdoms, preferable to any other considerations, and at the hazard of all other events; if contrary to expectation, and in resentment of these measures, any new troubles should be raised in Europe, to oppose or disappoint the execution of them, the same justice, gratitude and honour which have hitherto influenced us, must make us exert ourselves to the utmost to support and assist your Majesty.

"Your Majesty, by the immediate reduction of a great number of your Land Forces, and the laying up a great part of the Fleet, has shewn how unwilling you was to suffer any time to intervene between the conclusion of the peace, and letting your subjects see the happy effects of it. This lays the strongest

"The unanimity among ourselves, which your Majesty is graciously pleased to recommend to us, is one of the least returns we ought to make for these blessings procured for us: your Majesty has completed the wishes of all your good subjects, and the despair of the bad: you have obviated all the groundless cavils and clamours, which even malice itself could invent; so that the insinuations of any considerable remuant of faction, which may be yet in being, will have as little appearance of veracity abroad, as of duty, loyalty, or love of their country at home: and will serve only to excite us all to act with the greatest zeal and harmony, so as to make your government as easy and happy for your Majesty, as it is for us."

The King's Answer.] To this Address the King returned the following Answer:

"My Lords;

"I thank you for this dutiful and loyal Address. I doubt not but my subjects will reap great advantage from the Treaty concluded with Spain; and a faithful execution of all that is stipulated in their favour, shall be my principal care; to which nothing will contribute more effectually, than the strong and affectionate assurances you give me of your support and assistance, in case aby power should, in resentment of these measures I have taken, endeavour to raise new troubles."

The Commons' Address of Thanks.] When the Commons returned to the House, sir Robert Walpole laid before them the Treaty of Seville, and the Court Party moved for a very particular and loyal Address of Thanks to the throne, almost in the very terms of the Speech. This motion was made by lord Fitzwilliams, but opposed by the Country Party, who were for saying no more than " to assure his Majesty of the steady and zealous attachment of the House to his royal person, government and family; and that the House would effectually support his Majesty in all measures which shall be necessary for the honour and dignity of his crown, and for the interests and welfare of his people."

In support of this alteration and omission, many severe things were said of the Treaty, which had been made public for some time. Sir John Hind Cotton, a sharp, severe, but not a weighty speaker, was generally looked upon as one of the chief Tories in the House, and was always ready to join in every measure of opposition to the Court. He said, that the ministry had imposed upon his Majesty in calling the peace an absolute one; because the most important interests of Great Britain were left to a future discussion. The minister main

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tained, that the peace was absolute, and that no difficulties could happen in the execution of it, unless the Spaniards and other powers were encouraged to raise them by the dissentions that might happen at home. Many other speeches were made on both sides; but the question being put for the above words to be left out, it was resolved in the affirmative by a majority of 262 against 129. The Address first moved for was then carried up to his Majesty, and was as follows:

"Most Gracious Sovereign;

and truly valuable advantages, without one concession made to, the prejudice of your Majesty or your subjects, is a consideration, that to reject, had been losing the fairest opportunity to recover the ancient freedom and liberty of trade and commerce to these kingdoms; and. not faithfully to fulfil and execute what is stipulated on your Majesty's part to secure a reciprocal performance from your Majesty's allies, of the engagements they have entered into, would be abandoning the particular interests and properties of your Majesty's trading subjects; and to expose the trade and commerce "We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal of this nation to all the hazards and uncertainsubjects, the Commons of Great Britain in Par- ties, which they have so long laboured under. liament assembled, return your Majesty our "These blessings, secured to us, will sutfi most humble Thanks for your most gracious ciently compensate all inconveniencies that can Speech from the Throne. attend the performance of your Majesty's en"We cannot omit taking this first opportu-gagements: And as it is justly to be presumed, nity to congratulate your Majesty upon your that a general pacification and tranquillity in happy return into these kingdoms: The just Europe will be the consequence of the present and prudent administration of the government Treaty, the prospect of seeing this soon comduring your Majesty's absence by the Queen plete and perfected adds greatly to onr satisyour royal consort, ruling by your authority, faction. and governing by your example, could alone compensate for the want of your royal presence and auspicious influence among us.

"The welcome news of your Majesty's have ing concluded an absolute Peace with the crown of Spain, effected by a perfect union, harmony and fidelity between your Majesty and your allies, filled the hearts of all your good people with inexpressible joy and satisfaction; and we should be wanting in duty to your Majesty, in justice to ourselves, and not answer the expectations of those we represent, if we did not approach your Majesty upon this happy occasion with hearts full of duty and gratitude, and with the strongest acknowledgments of your Majesty's goodness, wisdom and resolution; your wisdom and resolution, in not suffering yourself to be diverted by any false and malicious clamours and insinuations, from steadily pursuing the great and desirable work of giving Peace to your people; your goodness in consulting the immediate interests of these your kingdoms, preferable to all other considerations, and at the hazard of all other

events.

"But if, contrary to expectation, and in resentment to your Majesty's just and prudent measures, any new troubles should be raised in Europe, to oppose or disappoint the execution of the present engagements, we think ourselves obliged by the strongest ties of duty, affection, and gratitude, to assure your Majesty, that we will stand by and support your Majesty against all insults and indignities that shall be offered to your Majesty, and that we will enable you to make good your engagements with your allies.

"The immediate reduction of so considerable a part of your forces by sea and land, upon the first notice of the confirmation of the peace, is another instance of your Majesty's care and attention to the ease and welfare of your peo ple; and the recommending to our consideration the state of the Sinking Fund, in so gracious and condescending a manner, obliges us to proceed with all possible caution and prudence in an affair of that nicety and importance, where the earliest discharge of the National Debt on one hand, and the hardships of the poor artificers and manufacturers on the other, require the greatest regard, and deserve the most mature deliberation.

"This must convince the world of your Majesty's paternal care and tender regard for your British dominions, when we see all former "From a due sense of these many proofs of treaties made in favour of our trade and com- your Majesty's unwearied endeavours to coll merce, and for the security of the rights, privi-sult the happiness of your people, we think leges, and possessions belonging to your Majesty renewed and confirmed; when we see the crown of Spain under new and fresh obligations to your Majesty, not only to permit to your subjects a free and uninterrupted exercise of their trade and commerce for the future, but to make just and ample restitution and reparation for all former unlawful seizures and depredations.

"The extension of former engagements, without any material alterations in the principal articles from the purport and intentions of former treaties, in order to obtain these great VOL. VIU.

ourselves obliged to assure your Majesty, that this House will, by the best and most easy methods, effectually raise the necessary supplies for the service of the current year; and by a proper zeal and concern for the honour of your Majesty, the public tranquillity, and the good of your people, defeat the vain expectations of such ill-designing persons, who may flatter themselves with the hopes of being able, by groundless insinuations, cavils and clamours, to shake the steadiness of those powers who are already allies to your Majesty, or to hindex others from becoming so."

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The King's Answer.] To the above Address, his Majesty gave this Answer:

"Gentlemen,

"I return you my thanks for this very affectionate and loyal Address. The assurances you have given me, and the support of my parliament in enabling me to make good my engagements with my allies, will, I promise myself, greatly contribute towards settling the general pacification of Europe.

"You may be assured, that the confidence you repose in me shall never be made use of, but for preserving the public tranquillity, for maintaining the rights and interests of my people, and in vindication of my honour and dignity."

Debate in the Commons concerning the Number of the Land Forces] Jan 28. The Commons, in a grand committee on the Supply, took into consideration the charge of the Land Forces for the service of the year 1730, and Mr. Henry Pelham, Secretary at War, moved, "That the number of effective men for guards and garrisons in Great Britain, Jersey and Guernsey, with 1,850 invalids and 555 men, for the six independent companies in the Highlands, be 17,709 men, commission and non-commission officers included."

This motion was seconded by sir William Yonge, but was opposed by Mr. Pulteney and lord Morpeth, who were for reducing the number to 12,000 men, Mr. Pelham in support of his motion, having urged, That every reduction which hath been made within these 16 years, has been attended with some ill consequence or other, which soon after forced us upon a more considerable expence; and that it would be necessary to continue that number, if they consulted the preservation of the government itself.

Mr. Shippen hereupon stood and spoke

as follows:

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Mr. Speaker; After the debates we have had on this subject for many years successively, it is hardly possible to offer any thing new; and repetition, if I may judge by myself, is as disagreeable to those that speak, as it can be to those that hear. However, a total silence at this time would mis-become me, who too often trouble you on occasions of less importance, when you are going to put a question, that tends directly towards the establishment of an army in Great Britain, which I hope will never be so far Germanized, as tamely to submit to a military government.

I will not insinuate, that the honourable per'son who made the motion, did it rather to comply with the obligations of his office, from whence the army estimates are brought into the House, than out of any conviction that the troops demanded are necessary for the service of the year, because he declares otherwise : and as we are all supposed to act here without influence, so we must not suspect, that he ever

countenanced those almost irresistible jobs, which my new ally on the floor [Mr. W. P.*] owns attended the war-office in his time, and which he believes now attend all offices concerned in the public expences. But I will insist, that this motion is a flat negative to the Address, for which he voted the first day of the session; and it plainly implies a distrust of the validity of the Treaty of Seville, which he then assured us would immediately produce all the blessings of an absolute peace, and deliver us inconveniences of a war. not only from the apprehensions, but from the Now he is pleased

to change his language, and endeavour to persuade us, that we ought not to make any reduction of our Land Forces; because our circumstances have been such for 16 years past, that whenever any reduction has been made, something happened which soon occasioned an increase of troops and expences..

If we were to allow him this last sort of reasoning, in opposition to his former, it would prove too much; it would prove, that we have no other cause to rejoice at the late reduction, for which we have humbly thanked his Majesty, than that it was so small; it would prove, that notwithstanding our famous and successful negotiations, we are like to remain in the same condition, and under the same difficul ties, we have been for 16 years together. But to pass over these remarks, the late reduction was very fallacious, and looked as if those, who had the direction of it, were not heartily inclined to get rid of our growing military power, or to return to the free exercise of our civil government. Nay, we have just beard it laid down for doctrine, that though our government is not military, though an army is not part of our constitution, yet it will be necessary to continue our present army of near 18,000 men for many years longer, on account of the government's consulting its own preservation.

Sir, the principle of self preservation will last as long as persons and governments themselves subsist, and is an argument that may be constantly renewed; that may be urged ad infinitum. But I am so far from admitting this argument in its full extent, that I cannot admit it in any degree, as applied to the present question. For it does not appear to me, that we can have occasion, even this year, for all the troops demanded. considering the glorious scene of affairs, which the honourable gentleman says is opened to us, and to all Europe: they are not necessary, I suppose, to awe Spain into a firm adherence to its own treaty: they are not necessary, to force the emperor into an immediate accession: nor are they, in any sort, necessary, for the safety of his Majerty's person and government.

Force and violence are the resort of usurpers and tyrants only.- -I perceive some gentlemen take offence at my words, and therefore,

Mr. William Pulteney, Secretary at War hum Sept. 27, 1714, to April 10, 1717.

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