tion of that influence which she exercised with so much despotism, could not fail to behold with satis. faction a people eminent for their long attachment to liberty, and once of the first consequence in the north of Europe, in a way of recovering their former importance; and setting bounds to the ambition of the court of Petersburgh. The Turks, lately humbled by the Russian arms, and whose preservation was entirely due to a fortunate concurrence of accidents, were well pleased to see that rapacious power checked in her restless progress to aggrandizement. The powers at a distance from the scene of action, could not be altogether dissatisfied that the balance of Europe should promise, by this great event, to regain that poise it had lost for some years in those northern parts. The only consideration that could possibly obstruct this sentiment, was the apprehension that Poland, in order to resist that combination, of which she had been the victim, would have recourse to the assist ance of France: and, rather than submit to the tyranny which she had so long experienced, enter into the strictest bonds of union with that power; now become odious ro all crowned heads, and aiming at a dissemination of its principles, wherever it could procure them ac ceprance.

This, indeed, was the sole reason that could be alleged for the surprising inactivity and indif ference that prevailed in se many courts; which, as in times past, would have felt themselves deeply interested in the transactions relating to Poland, had not events of a more pressing import ance confined their views nealer

home. This was visibly the case in every country bordering upon France. In Spain, ever since the meeting of the States-General at Paris, and their converting that denomination into another more ap. posite to their wishes and designs, the celebrated name of National Assembly, the public had assumed a liberty of speaking that greatly alarmed the court. The example set before the subjects of all absolute governments was of a nature to fill them with the most serious appre hensions, and to engage them to unite together for the suppression of all attempts similar to those that had succeeded in so sudden and unexpected a manner in France, and changed it from the most absolute to the most limited of monarchies. Hence it happened, that those pow ers excepted, of which the immediate safety required the depression of Russia upon any terms, all the others concurred unanimously in hoping that no power would start up of which the interest should lead it to espouse the cause of the French; whom, in the cabinets of the European potentates, deep schemes were laid to crush with all speed.

Little more than two months af. ter the revolution in Poland, was held the famous convention of Pilnitz, in which it is said to have been strictly stipulated or understood by the contracting powers, that Russia should be atfull liberty to pur. sue her schemes in Poland, while they were occupied in the pursuit of their own. This satisfactorily accounts for the inactivity of the crowned heads in Europe, during the transactions that followed, inconsequence of the alterations introduced into the Polish forms of government, by the new constitution.

In the mean time, that country was filled with universal exultation at the late changes; these were evidently so beneficial to all conditions of society, that they all un. feignedly agreed in testifying their cordial acquiescence. The principal opposers of the revolution soon were convinced that it was too popular and desirable a measure to be resisted. Count Braniki, grand general of the kingdom, and Mala. chowski, great chancellor, both of them sincere patriots, had however been the leaders in that opposition; possibly from an apprehension that the measure proposed was hazardous. Reflecting, however, on its justice aud propriety, they acceded to it, and were followed by all their adherents. The he reditary succession to the crown was the chief, and indeed the only motive assigned for their noncompliance. An attachment to usages, confirmed by the practice of centuries, could not easily be eradi. cated; and the dread of those abuses of power, so prevalent in monar. chies ruled by successors of the same family, operated on the Poles too forcibly to permit the idea of inheritance in the crown. It was not therefore until they were com. pletely convinced that the liberties of the nation would not suffer by hereditary royalty, that they were prevailed on to unite their assent to that of the vast majority against which they had acted.

The fact was, that they had been particularly instructed by their constituents, to resist this dangerous innovation, as it was termed, by that portion of the Polish nation which disapproved of it; but when they saw with what applause the new

system, after being carried so triumphantly through the diet, was received by the people; when they considered the limits within which the power of the crown was circumscribed, and that the sovereignty of the nation was maintained in the diet, they thought it their duty to desist from opposing what appeared manifestly the will of the nation. They frankly, therefore, declared their concurrence in the revolutionary measures adopted, and their determination to adhere with fide lity to a constitution established by such a plurality of votes, as amounted to an almost unanimous assent of the legislative body of the nation.

All parties being thus happily agreed, a day of public thanksgiving was appointed throughout the kingdom, and an annual commemoration on the third of May. And it was also decreed, that a magnificent church should be constructed at the public expence, with an inscription, purporting that it was erected in gratitude to Divine Providence, in order to eternize the remembrance of a revolution effected almost unanimously, and without the loss of a drop of blood. This was accompanied by a solemn declaration of the states, by which they bound themselves to defend the constitu tion to the utmost of their power, and enjoined the magistrates and military at Warsaw to take an oath to the same intent immediately, and all civil officers and individuals be longing to the army, in every part of the kingdom to do the same.

In order at the same time to im press the public and all Europe with a due sense of the resolution they had taken, to maintain their new [B2]

system

system at all hazards, and against all opponents, they formally declared, that whoever opposed it, by forming confederacies or planning insurrections for that purpose, or by exciting mistrust either openly or secretly, should be reputed enemies and traitors to their country, and punished with the utmost rigour of the law. The more effectually to intimidate persons disposed to cf. fend, a tribunal was erected, with orders to sit constantly at Warsaw, and to try all persons accused before it, by any citizen of repute and property.

The next step taken by the government, was to dispatch a notification to every European power, of the alterations in the constitutional system of Poland, and of the mo. tives which had prompted them. Of all the sovereigns and states, to whom intelligence of this great event was regularly communicated, none replied to this communication with a stronger appearance of satis. faction than the king of Prussia. He expressed himself in terms of the highest approbation and applause at every thing they had done upon this occasion. If they had not been taught by experience to place little reliance on that prince, his protesta tions of friendship and attachment to Poland were so strong and fer. vent, that the most cautious statesman might have easily been de ceived. But the grounds on which the Polish government relied, with some reason, were, that the in. terests of Prussia were, if rightly understood and pursued, intimately connected with those of Poland. This chiefly induced them, to place a degree of confidence in the warmth with which the court of

Berlin seemingly entered into their views. Nevertheless, the more doubtful and wary politicians pronounced its conduct to be influenced only by the circumstances of the moment: duplicity was requisite to cover the measures it was at that instant forming in concert with the courts of Petersburgh and Vienna.

The Russian court, accustomed for a length of years to a humble deference to its mandates, from the Polish government, considered these transactious in Poland in hardly any other light than open rebellion. It was at this hour busily occupied in putting a final termination to the Turkish war, and the manner in which this was concluded, evidently proved that other motives than those of moderation accelerated the decision of that business. It was not till the middle of August, 1791, that a treaty of peace was concluded between the Porte and the court of Petersburgh: and the remainder of the year was consumed in the necessary operations subsequent to a pacification. It was not for this reason, till the return of the Russian armies from the theatre of war, and after they had rested in their winterquarters, that a resolution was formed to employ them in the prosecution of the designs against Poland.

I

In the mean time, the three partitioning courts, as they have been justly styled since the first dismemberment of Poland, in 1773, were conjointly devising in what manner to accomplish the ultimate object they had long proposed: the utter subjugation of the Poles, and the division of their country. These three ambitious powers had seen enough of the reviving spirit of

liberty