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fruits with the full perfection of its native vigor. Our forefathers, when they came to this western world, brought its seeds with them. Planted here in the native soil of the wilderness, they sprang up in the fulness of their strength. Without artificial restraints, cherished by this free atmosphere, defended from external injury, and cultivated by a jealous' hand, they have grown into twenty-four goodly shades, which, though independent, have yet a common trunk, independent also, and extending its branches over the country, from Maine to Florida, and from the Atlantic borders to the remote regions of the West.

This growth has however been gradual. The legislatures of the colonies contained the Republican principle in different degrees. Subject to the British crown, they all felt, more or less, the weight of its immediate influence. It would be interesting to trace the history of each of the older State Governments from its first origin in the colonial form to its present improved condition. It might be useful to observe, what difficulties they have had to encoun

ter, how these difficulties have been overcome, and how, under the influence of the virtue, the wisdom, and the stern republican integrity of our ancestors, the governments have advanced, step by step, to their present degree of perfection. The main purpose of this book is, however, briefly to sketch the history of our present Union, beginning with its earliest elements, and to explain the instrument which defines what this Union is, for what objects it was formed, and what is the mode prescribed for the accomplishment of these objects. This instrument, it need not be said, is termed, The Constitution of the United States of America.

The union of these States under one government is not the work of an hour nor of a day. It is the result of a series of successive efforts, scattered throughout the space of almost a century and a half. About two hundred years intervened between the settlement of the first English colony on this continent, and the formation of the government styled the United States. of America. The former event occurred

in 1585 and the latter in 1781. The New England colonies were, however, very early in the habit of uniting for their common defence and for the promotion of their common interests. The first instance is that of a league, formed one hundred and ninety-two years ago, and one hundred and forty-six years before the ratification of the present, Constitution of the United States.

In 1643, the colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Hampshire, apprehensive of danger from the Indians and suffering encroachments from the Dutch, formed a league, offensive and defensive, and styled themselves "The United Colonies of New England." By the stipulations of this league, a congress, composed of commissioners from each colony, was to be holden annually. This congress was to decide upon matters of peace and war, and upon other subjects of common concern. The number of commissioners from each colony was two. decision of three fourths of the members was to be binding on all the colonies. This union lasted more than forty years.

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It was not destroyed until 1686, when the charters of the New England Colonies were made void by a commission from King James II.

Notwithstanding the dissolution of this league, congresses, composed of representatives from the different colonies, continued to be held. But they were congresses chosen for some special occasion. One was held at Albany in 1722, and another in 1754. The latter was convened at the instance of the English administration, and for the purpose of concerting measures for defending the country against an impending war with France. The members of the congress had, however, other views, and of a more extended nature. They passed an unanimous resolution for a general union, embracing all the colonies. They proposed that the affairs of this union should be administered by a general council of delegates to be chosen by the provincial governments every three years, and by a president general to be appointed by the British crown. This proposition, which was the first essay towards a general union,

was rejected not only by the British crown, but also by every provincial government. It was the policy of the British government to keep the colonies ignorant of their strength. It was the policy of the colonies to avoid such an influence as they supposed the British crown might exert upon them through such a general government and president general.

"The great value of a federate union of the colonies had, however, sunk deep into the minds of men. The subject was familiar to our colonial ancestors. They had been in the habit, especially in seasons of danger and difficulty, of forming associations more or less extensive. The necessity of union had been felt, its advantages perceived, its principles explained, the way to it pointed out, and the people of this country were led by the force of irresistible motives to resort to the same means of defence, when they considered that their liberties were in danger, not from the vexatious warfare of the Indian tribes, but from the formidable claims, and still more formidable power of the parent state."

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