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sentatives, now pending in the Senate, entitled "An act to authorize the people of Missouri to form a constitution and State government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States," the following proviso in the following words: [here follows the Taylor amendment.] And that the following provision be added to the bill: [here follows the Thomas amendment.]

[Annals, 16th Cong., 1st Sess., 1576, 1577.]

No. 77. Missouri Enabling Act

March 6, 1820

An Act to authorize the people of the Missouri territory to form a constitution and state government, and for the admission of such state into the Union on an equal footing with the original states, and to prohibit slavery in certain territories.

Be it enacted.. That the inhabitants of that portion of the Missouri territory included within the boundaries hereinafter designated, be, and they are hereby, authorized to form for themselves a constitution and state government, and to assume such name as they shall deem proper; and the said state, when formed, shall be admitted into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original states, in all respects whatsoever.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the said state shall consist of all the territory included within the following boundaries, to wit: Beginning in the middle of the Mississippi river, on the parallel of thirty-six degrees of north latitude; thence west, along that parallel of latitude, to the St. Francois river; thence up, and following the course of that river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to the parallel of latitude of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes; thence west, along the same, to a point where the said parallel is intersected by a meridian line passing through the middle of the mouth of the Kansas river, where the same empties into the Missouri river, thence, from the point aforesaid north, along the said meridian line, to the intersection of the parallel of latitude which passes through the rapids of the river Des Moines,

making the said line to correspond with the Indian boundary line; thence east, from the point of intersection last aforesaid, along the said parallel of latitude, to the middle of the channel of the main fork of the said river Des Moines; thence down and along the middle of the main channel of the said river Des Moines, to the mouth of the same, where it empties into the Mississippi river; thence, due east, to the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi river; thence down, and following the course of the Mississippi river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to the place of beginning: ..

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SEC. 8. And be it further enacted, That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the state, contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be, and is hereby, forever prohibited: Provided always, That any person escaping into the same, from whom labour or service is lawfully claimed, in any state or territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labour or service as aforesaid.

[U. S. Stat. at Large, III., 545, 546, 548.]

No. 78. Constitution of Missouri

July 19, 1820

[ART. III.] SEC. 26. The general assembly shall not have power to pass laws

1. For the emancipation of slaves without the consent of their owners; or without paying them, before such emancipation, a full equivalent for such slaves so emancipated; and,

2. To prevent bona-fide immigrants to this State, or actual settlers therein, from bringing from any of the United States, or from any of their Territories, such persons as may there be deemed to

be slaves, so long as any persons of the same description are allowed to be held as slaves by the laws of this State.

They shall have power to pass laws

1. To prohibit the introduction into this State of any slaves who may have committed any high crime in any other State or Territory;

2. To prohibit the introduction of any slave for the purpose of speculation, or as an article of trade or merchandise;

3. To prohibit the introduction of any slave, or the offspring of any slave, who heretofore may have been, or who hereafter may be, imported from any foreign country into the United States, or any Territory thereof, in contravention of any existing statute of the United States; and,

4. To permit the owners of slaves to emancipate them, saving the right of creditors, where the person so emancipating will give security that the slave so emancipated shall not become a public charge.

It shall be their duty, as soon as may be, to pass such laws as may be necessary

1. To prevent free negroes end [and] mulattoes from coming to and settling in this State, under any pretext whatsoever; and, 2. To oblige the owners of slaves to treat them with humanity, and to abstain from all injuries to them extending to life or limb. [Poore, Federal and State Constitutions (ed. 1877), II., 1107, 1108.]

No. 79.

Resolution for the Admission of
Missouri

March 2, 1821

Resolution providing for the admission of the State of Missouri into the Union, on a certain condition.

Resolved. That Missouri shall be admitted into this union on an equal footing with the original states, in all respects whatever, upon the fundamental condition, that the fourth clause of the twenty-sixth section of the third article of the constitution submitted on the part of said state to Congress, shall never be construed to authorize the passage of any law, and that no law

shall be passed in conformity thereto, by which any citizen, of either of the states in this Union, shall be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizen is entitled under the constitution of the United States: Provided, That the legislature of the said state, by a solemn public act, shall declare the assent of the said state to the said fundamental condition, and shall transmit to the President of the United States, on or before the fourth Monday in November next, an authentic copy of the said act; upon the receipt whereof, the President, by proclamation, shall announce the fact; whereupon, and without any further proceeding on the part of Congress, the admission of the said state into this Union shall be considered as complete.

[U.S. Stat. at Large, III., 645.]

No. 80. Monroe's Message enunciating the Monroe Doctrine

December 2, 1823

THE triumph of Napoleon in Spain in 1808 was followed by a succession of revolts in the Spanish colonies in America, and by 1821 all the colonies had established revolutionary governments. In 1823 France, with the sanction of the so-called Holy Alliance, had restored Ferdinand VII. of Spain to his throne; and later in the year another meeting of the allies was suggested to consider the question of aiding Spain to reduce its colonies to submission. In the meantime, in September, 1821, a Russian ukase had asserted the claim of that country to all the Pacific coast of North America north of the 51st parallel, and forbidden foreigners to trade in the region. The claim of Russia was opposed by both Great Britain and the United States. A proposal from Great Britain, in September, 1823, "that the two countries should unite in a declaration against European intervention in the colonies," was, however, declined. In his annual message of Dec. 2, 1823, Monroe, in discussing the relations of the United States with Russia, Spain, and the SpanishAmerican colonies, stated the policy which afterwards came to be known as the Monroe doctrine. The principal portions of the message dealing with the subject are given in the extracts following.

REFERENCES. Text of the message in House and Senate Journals, 18th Cong., 1st Sess.; the extracts here given are from the Senate Journal, 11, 21-23. On the origin of the statements in the message, see J. Q. Adams's Memoirs, VI.; Madison's Writings (ed. 1865), III., 339, 340; Jefferson's Works (ed. 1854), VII., 315-317. Correspondence relating to the Russian

treaty of 1824 is in Amer. State Papers, Foreign Relations, V., 434-471; the correspondence with Spain, ib., V., 368–428, throws light on the condition of the colonies. The policy stated by Monroe had been frequently enunciated, though less definitely, before 1823; interesting extracts, from 1787 onwards, are collected in Amer. History Leaflets, No. 4. The leading discussions of the Monroe doctrine are Gilman's Monroe, chap. 7 (with valuable bibliography, Appendix IV.); G. F. Tucker's Monroe Doctrine; Wharton's Intern. Law Digest (ed. 1887), I., 268–298; Snow's American Diplomacy, 237-294.

At the proposal of the Russian imperial government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the Minister of the United States at St. Petersburgh, to arrange, by amicable negotiation, the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal had been made by his Imperial Majesty to the government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. . . . In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are, involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.

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It was stated at the commencement of the last session, that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal, to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked, that the result has been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly, in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries, or make preparation for our defence. With the movements in this hemisphere, we are, of necessity,

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