been transmitted to the Governor of Upper Canada, and shall have been laid before both Houses of Parliament and assented to by his Majesty. The motive for this enactment is explained in the preamble to have been the necessity of obviating the evils experienced in the Upper Province from the exercise of an exclusive control by the Legislature of Lower Canada, over Imports and Exports at the Port of Quebec. I acknowledge without reserve, that nothing but the necessity of mediating between the two Provinces could have justified such an interference by Parliament; and that if any adequate security can be devised against the recurrence of similar difficulties, the enactment ought to be repealed. The peculiar geographical position of Upper Canada, enjoying no access to the sea, except through a Province wholly independent of itself on the one hand, or through a foreign state on the other, was supposed in the year 1822 to have created the necessity for enacting so peculiar a law for its protection. I should be much gratified to learn that no such necessity exists at present or can be reasonably anticipated hereafter; for upon sufficient evidence of that fact, His Majesty's Government would at once recommend to Parliament the repeal of that part of the statute to which the address of the House of Assembly refers. The Ministers of the Crown would even be satisfied to propose to Parliament the result of the enactment in question, upon proof that the Legislature of the Upper Province deem such

protection superfluous. Perhaps it may be found practicable to arrange this matter by communications between the Legislatures of the two Provinces.

The Ministers of the Crown are prepared to co-operate to the fullest extent in any measure which the two Legislatures shall concur in recommending for the amendment or repeal of the Statute, 3, George IV, cap. 119, sect. 28.

Fourteenthly The selection of the Legislative Councillors, and the constitution of that body, which forms the last subject of complaint in the address, I shall not notice in this place, any further than to say that it will form the matter of a separate communication, since the topic is too extensive and important to be conveniently embraced in my present despatch.

The preceding review of the question brought by the House of Assembly, appears to me entirely to justify the expectations which I have expressed at the commencement of this despatch of a speedy, effectual, and amicable termination of the protracted discussion of several years. It would be injurious to the House of Assembly to attribute to them any such captious spirit as would keep alive a contest upon a few minor and insignificant details, after the statement I have made of the general accordance between the views of his Majesty's Government and their own upon so many important questions of Canadian policy. Little indeed remains for debate, and that little will, I am convinced, be discussed

with feelings of kindness and good will, and with an earnest desire to strengthen the bonds of union already subsisting between the two Countries. His Majesty will esteem it among the most enviable distinctions of his reign to have contributed to so great and desirable a result. Your lordship will take the

earliest opportunity of transmitting to the House of Assembly a copy of this despatch. I have the honor to be, my Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient servant. (Signed,) GODERICH.

(A true copy.)

H. CRAIG, Secretary,
Monday

21st Nov. 1831.

I am happy to find myself among you, in the centre of this place where France has received my oaths.

Penetrated with the duties which they have imposed upon me, I shall always give effect to the national will, of which you are the constitutional organs, and I expect on your part the frank and entire co-operation which will assure to my government that strength, without which it will be impossible to answer the expectations of the nation.

I have said, gentlemen, that the charter shall be a truth: what I have said is accomplished; the charter is the constitutional monarchy with all its conditions loyally maintained, with all its consequences frankly accepted. (Lively applause.)

It is true that by the uniform

action of all the powers of the state, we shall put an end to those prolonged agitations which feed the guilty hopes of those who work for the return of the fallen dynasty, or of those who dream of the chimera of a republic. (Loud applause from the chamber here interrupted his majesty, and loud cries of long live the king!') Divided upon the object, they agree, however, in the will to overthrow, no matter at what price, the public order, founded by the revolution of July, but their efforts shall be disconcerted or punished. (Fresh applause.)

In calling me to the throne, France has willed that the royalty shall be national; it did not desire that royalty should be powerless. A government without strength would not suit the desires of a great nation.

I have just returned from travelling in France; the proofs of affection which I have received

in this journey have very deeply touched my heart. The wishes of France are present to my thoughts you will aid me to accomplish them. Order shall be protected; liberty be guaranteed; and every factious effort confounded and repressed. Thus, that confidence will be renewed for the future which alone can reestablish the prosperity of the country.

It is to carry this into effect, it is to consolidate more and more the constitutional monarchy, that I have caused to be prepared the different projects of laws which will be proposed to you.

You will, I hope, recognise in that which has for its object the decision of a great constitutional question reserved by the charter for the examination of the chambers, that I always seek to put our institutions in harmony with the interests and wishes of the nation, enlightened by experience and matured by time.

You will have likewise to examine, conformably to the promise of the charter, the projects of the laws destined to complete the departmental and municipal organization, to determine the responsibility of ministers, and of other agents of government, and to regulate the liberty of instruc

tion.

Some other projects of laws upon the recruiting of the army, upon the penal code, upon finance, and on different public interests, will be equally submitted to you.

I admit the whole extent of the sufferings which the actual commercial crisis has caused to the nation: I am afflicted at it,

and I admire the courage with which they have been borne. I hope that they now approach their termination, and that soon the consolidation of order will give the necessary security to the circulation of capital, and restore to our commerce and industry that spirit and activity which, under a government always guided by the national interests, can only be momentarily interrupted.

The state of our finances is satisfactory: if our wants are great, abundant resources are exhibited for their aid.

The annual budgets for 1831 1832 will be presented to you in the opening of this session.

Reductions have been made in the different branches of the administration. They would have been carried still farther, if the increase of our means of defence, and the development of our military force, had not, up to this time, imposed upon us great sacrifices. (Bravos.)

I shall hasten to diminish this burden as soon as I have acquired the certainty of accomplishing it without compromising the dignity and safety of France.

This certainly will depend upon a general disarming. France desires this, the governments of Europe will feel its necessity,the interests of all requires it.

I have the satisfaction to announce to you, that up to the present time I have not been under the necessity of employing all the resources which the chamber had placed at my disposal.

Since the revolution of July, France has regained in Europe the rank which belongs to her.

Nothing, henceforth, shall wrest it from her. (Bravos.) Never was her independence better guaranteed our national guards, who are worth armies our armies, the fit depositories of the inheritance of our ancient glorywill defend this independence as they have hitherto protected our internal peace and liberty.

I have to felicitate myself upon the amicable relations which foreign governments preserve with mine.

We ought to seek to preserve the bonds of friendship, so natural and so ancient, which unite France to the United States of America. A treaty has terminated a controversy for a long time pending between two countries which have such claims for mutual sympathy.

Other treaties have been concluded between the Mexican and Haytian republics.

*All these acts shall be communicated to you as soon as they have been ratified, and when the financial stipulations which they contain shall be submitted to your sanction.

I have given new orders to our cruisers to assure the execution of the law of last session, for the more effectual suppression of the slave trade.

As soon as I demanded it, the troops of the emperor of Austria have evacuated the Roman states. A real amnesty, the abolition of confiscation, and important changes in the administrative and judicial system, have been given. Such are the ameliorations which will, we hope assure to those states, that their tranquillity shall

be no longer troubled, and that the equilibrium of Europe will be preserved by the maintenance of their independence.

The kingdom of the Low Countries, as constituted by the treaties of 1814 and 1815, has ceased to exist. The independence of Belgium, and her separation from Holland, have been acknowledged by the great powers. The king of the Belgians will not form part of the German confederacy. The fortresses raised to menace France, and not to protect Belgium, will be demolished. (Loud applause here again interrupted the speech.) A neutrality recognised by Europe, and the friendship of France, will assure our neighbors an independence of which we have been the first support.

I

The power which rules in Portugal has committed outrages on Frenchmen—it has violated against them the laws of justice and humanity; to obtain redress vainly demanded, our ships appeared before the Tagus. have received intelligence that they have forced the entrance of that river; satisfaction, up to that time refused, has been since offered. The Portuguese ships of war are now in our power; and the tri-colored flag floats under the walls of Lisbon. (Great applause, and cries of long live the king!')

A sanguinary and furious conflict is prolonged in Poland. The conflict excites the liveliest emotions in the heart of Europe. I am endeavoring to put an end to it.

After having offered my mediation, I have sought to in

duce that of the great powers. I have wished to stop the effusion of blood; to preserve the south of Europe from the evils of the contagion which this war is propagating; and, above all, to assure for Poland, whose courage has recalled the old affections of France (cries of bravo,') the nationality which has resisted all time and its vicissitudes. (Loud applause.)

You will doubtless judge, that in these difficult negotiations, the true interests of France, the interests of her prosperity, of her power and her honor, have been defended with perseverance and dignity. Europe is now convinced of the loyalty of our disposition, and of the sincerity of our wishes for the preservation of peace; but it is also with the

demonstration of our strength to sustain a war, that we rely, should we be called upon to resist unjust aggression.

It is in persisting in the political system followed up to this time, that we shall be able to assure our country of the benefits of the revolution which has saved our liberties, and to preserve them from new commotions, which would at once compromise our existence and the civilization of the world.

We approach, gentlemen, the great anniversary. I shall with satisfaction see you joined with me in its solemnities. May they be grave and touching commemorations, to awaken sentiments of union and concord, which can alone constitute our triumph.

Congress.

Gentlemen,-By your decree of the 24th February last, and conformably to the 85th article of the constitution, you did me the honor of appointing me regent of Belgium. On the 25th I had the honor of being admitted into the bosom of the congress, and of solemnly taking the oath prescribed by the 80th article of our social compact.

My first cares were to compose a ministry. I called to it the

same individuals to whom the preceding government had entrusted the branches of the general administration. It was in confirming in their high functions the same men who had so powerfully aided in acquiring and consolidating our liberty that I wished to give to the nation a first pledge of my entire adhesion to the principles of our revolution, and of my firm resolution to secure the enjoyment of all its consequences.

I caused to be notified to the