were no more heard of. At last Mr. Flood produced his own plan for new modelling the House of Commons. It was unanimously adopted by the inferior, and then submitted to the grand committee, as it was called. A long debate arose. The difficulties under which the assembly labored in this great work of legislation were now apparent. Flood's plan, notwithstanding all his subtle interprétations and comments, was, on sober investigation, found not much superior to many which preceded it. Nay, there were some who, like Dangle in the play, thought that the interpreter was the hardest to be understood of any of his coadjutors. But, with all his plan's acknowledged imperfections, it was submitted to, as the best that could be patronized without putting the assembly to the blush, and, indeed, the state itself to the most imminent hazard.

A short scene was now acted, and, according to all the rules of criticism, in perfect unison with the former. Two or three lords and gentlemen, who possessed borough property, declared in the Convention, that any proper plan of reform should meet no obstacle from such possessions remaining in their hands. They would willingly relinquish them for the benefit of the people. Immediately after those gentlemen, who at that moment of enthusiasm were, I make no doubt, perfectly serious in what they said, and were capable of very generous derelictions, uprose several patriotic personages, and professing equal ardor in the public cause, made similar renunciations. Unfortunately, however, their pretensions to this invidious species of property were by no means so unequivocal. Some of those boroughs which they were pleased to call exclusively their own, presented only very debateable ground, and were in general known to those gentlemen, merely by the long sufferings which they sustained for even a dubious and transitory interest in them. To abandon such boroughs altogether would, at any time, be consummate

prudence. To immolate a set of voters, periodically corrupt, or law agents perpetually rapacious, would be most laudable, if a convention or reform had never been heard of. "Upon such sacrifices, the Gods themselves would," I think, “ throw incense;" could they have really been made. Yet, with no other offerings to lay on the altar of public freedom, than what might justly be termed their own personal embarrassments, and molestations, did those gentlemen rise, one after the other, and, with the most untired gravity, nobly bestow on the people their untenable claims, and unsound interests. But they seemed resolved, on that day, that every proceeding in the Convention, should be almost ideal, and visionary plans of reform were followed by imaginary proscriptions of family electors.

Those shadows have passed over the scene in very solemn and ridiculous order, the eyes of the spectators were at length tired of such mock-heroic visions, and all turned towards Lord Charlemont. An enemy to ostentation, and always averse to public speaking, he had hitherto remained silent. But he found it necessary now to say something. "My determination," said his Lordship "to sacrifice to the public that borough, which I have ever held in trust for the people, was, I thought, sufficiently declared, by my acceptance of a seat at this meeting. That trust I have at all times endeavoured to execute to the public advantage; and I can assure this assembly, that I have never felt so much real satisfaction in the exercise of those powers, which, as a trustee for the people, have been confided to me, as I now do, in resigning them." The convention, and, indeed, all his auditory, were to the utmost gratified by this declaration, and applauded it as the language of sincerity and true patriotism. Flood's plan of reform having now passed the ordeal of the two com. mittees, was finally reported to the convention, where the Bishop of Derry again brought forward his proposal in favor

of the Catholies, and was supported by several of the delegates. Lord Charlemont and his friends opposed him strenuously, and again left him in a minority. The point was warmly discussed. These repeated differences did not contribute much to the establishment of any cordial amity between the noble Prelate and the Earl. The former, one day whilst the convention was employed on something unimportant, ventured to hint to Lord Charlemont, as they sat for some minutes apart together, "That his conduct was by no means generally approved of," (alluding, it is presumed, to the Catholic business) " and that he was considered as rather lukewarm in favor of a reform." To this suggestion Lord Charlemont replied, as may be imagined, with some warmth. A short and somewhat unpleasant conversation took place, not at all necessary now to detail, but which closed with these words of Lord Charle mont. The difference which I make between the present and the former objects of our exertions is this:—whilst Ireland was in effect subject to a foreign legislature, there were no lengths I would not have gone to rescue her from a state, which I considered as positive slavery. To that point I had pledged my life and fortune, and towards the attainment of it, I would willingly and chearfully have hazarded not only them, but what was, and still is more dear to me, and far more important, the peace of my country. Our present object I esteem great, and of high importance, and to obtain it, I will do every thing not inconsistent with the public peace. But I will go no further. Make what use of this you please." The convention proceeded to business, and the Bishop withdrew.

After three weeks sitting, the labours of the convention seemed to draw towards an end. Lord Charlement's health had suffered much from so close a confinement, and he looked with pleasure at the moment, when he could resume his daily exercise, and literary occupations. That moment did not

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arrive as soon as he expected. The commencement of the convention was inauspicious, but the conclusion was agitating and eventful beyond any period in its history. It is not to be forgotten, that Parliament had met the end of October, and was at this time actually sitting. To the astonishment of Lord Charlemont, Flood arose in the convention, about four o'clock in the afternoon of Saturday, November 29th, and proposed, that he, accompanied by such Members of Parlia ment, as were then present, should immediately go down to the House of Commons, and move for leave to bring in a bill, exactly correspondent in every respect, to the plan of reform which he had submitted to, and was approved of by the convention. To this proposition he added another, "That the convention should not adjourn till the fate of his motion was ascertained." A more complete designation, and avowal of a deliberative assembly coexisting with Lords and Commons, and, apparently, of co-extensive authority, could scarcely be made. It was, in truth, like bringing up a bill from the bar of one House of Parliament to that of another. Both motions were acceded to. The impropriety, the imprudence of such a step, was deeply felt by Lord Charlemont. That the gentlemen who adopted Mr. Flood's proposition did not see it in this light, or seeing its real complexion, did not abandon it, may be partly attributed to the ascendancy which Flood had, at this time, obtained over most of them, as well as to that extreme ardor, which, pursuing a favoured object, overlooks or contemns all obstacles. Lord Charlemont had received a hint of this extraordinary movement from Flood, but it was no more than a hint; and on his remonstrating against it, that gentleman seemed to have abandoned it. Nor would he perhaps have brought it forward at all, certainly not then, had he not been impelled by particular personal motives. His great ambition was to take the lead in this business of reform; and as he at that time looked to a seat in the British House of

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Commons, (which he soon after obtained,) his views would, as he imagined, be most powerfully aided by his splendid exertions in the convention, as well as the Irish Parliament, and enable him to aspire to superior rank and authority among the reformists in England, as well as those of Ireland. The time however pressed, and he was obliged to go to London in a very few days. To relinquish the honour of moving the question of reform to any one, he could not think of, and the eagerness of some delegates, co-operating with his own personal convenience, he hurried it into the House of Commons. Thus is there a secret history in all the public transactions, and that history not always the most brilliant.

Parliament now became the theatre of popular exertion. Whoever was present in the House of Commons on the night of the 29th of November 1782, cannot easily forget what pas*sed there. I do not use any disproportionate language, when I say, that the scene was almost terrific. Several of the minority, and all the delegates, who had come from the convention, were in the uniforms, and bore the aspect of stern hostility. On the other hand, administration being supported on this occasion by many independent gentlemen, and having at their head very able men, such as Mr. Yelverton, and Mr. Daly, presented a body of strength not always seen in the ministerial ranks, looked defiance to their opponents, and indeed seemed almost unassailable. They stood certainly on a most advantageous ground, and that ground given to them by their adversaries. Mr. Flood, flushed with his recent triumphs in another place, and, enjoying the lofty situation which his abi lities always placed him in, fearlessly led on the attack. Mr. Yelverton answered him with great animation, great strength of argument, and concluded with a generous, dignified appeal to the Volunteers, whom he applauded for every part of their conduct, the present alone excepted. Some speeches followed in a similar tone, but the minds of men soon became too heated