During the late Administration, the friends of Government moved in the House, that this fund should be granted to His Majesty, his heirs, and successors, for ever, redeemable by Parliament.

The Patriots insisted, and carried their point, that it was unconstitutional, and inconsistent with the public safety, to grant it for a longer term than from session to session.

An attempt was now made to vest it in the Crown for twenty-one years. When the affair came to be agitated, the strength of the Ministerialists and Country party was exactly equal; but immediately previous to the vote, Colonel Tottenham, who had ridden post on the occasion, arrived barely in time to determine, by his vote, the question against Government. His zeal on this occasion for the public good was long remembered with gratitude; and from the then novelty of coming to Parliament in boets, which he was compelled to do by the urgency of the question, "Tottenham in boots," became a favorite toast.

Several years subsequent to the administration of the Duke of Dorset, afford nothing worthy of notice in the history of this country. In 1754, Lord Chesterfield was, contrary to the real inclination of the Monarch, whose favorite errors in politics he had opposed, appointed Lord Lieutenant at a dangerous juncture, when in the midst of an unsuccessful war against France and Spain, an alarming rebellion had been raised in Scotland, in favor of Charles Edward Stuart, son of the Pretender. The administration of this highly polished, liberal, and enlightened Nobleman, was a kind of phenomenon in Irish History.

Vested with ample powers, he acted from his own judg ment, uninfluenced by the councils of those who, to prevent an imaginary, might have excited a real rebellion, by violent measures against Catholics, the bulk of the nation. He discountenanced all party distinction; he extended the full pro

tection of the laws to Catholics, and displayed full confidence in their peaceable demeanor.

Before his arrival, those in power had shut up their chapels in Dublin; their priests were commanded by proclamation to leave the kingdom, Such as disobeyed were cast into prison, and threatened with greater punishment. These severities were offensive to Lord Chesterfield-his system of policy was not founded in partial views of human nature, or in those contracted sentiments suggested by religious bigotry.-It received no tincture from the violence of a party spirit, by' which the judgment is perverted, and restraints are imposed on the kind impulses of humanity. Convinced that harsh treatment alienates the heart, but that gentle usage inspires confidence and gains the affections, he permitted to the Roman Catholics the free undisturbed exercise of their religion, knowing that the Irish, above all people, are to be gained by confidence, kindness, and liberality. The accusations that prejudice brought against them, the rumors of plots and insurrections designed by them, he listened to with calm indif ference, or treated with ridicule. All parties ultimately concurred in admiring the wisdom and public virtues of this excellent Viceroy, and cheerfully contributed their efforts to render his Government easy and agreeable. In Parliament, business went smoothly forwards; resting the support of his Administration on its rectitude, he abstained from the pernicious custom of gaining partizans by reversionary grants. The supply asked by him was moderate, collected with ease, and managed with economy; and the surplus which remained was applied to the improvement of Cork harbor. Instead of raising new regiments, or demanding troops from Britain, he sent four battalions to reinforce the royal army in Scotland, supplying their place with additional companies to the regiments already on the establishment, and encouraging volunteer associations for defence; without augmenting the public

expenditure, the influence of the Crown, his own patronage, or his private emolument. The wisdom of his administration was verified by the result; no external enemy disturbed the public peace; a profound tranquillity reigned in Ireland; not a man espoused the Pretender's cause; while in Scotland thousands were in arms under his banners, and for a time seemed to threaten the overthrow of the Protestant establishment in England.

The boon to Ireland of such a governor, as it had been extorted from the British Cabinet, by the necessity of circumstancos, was, recalled as soon as that necessity ceased; nine days after the celebrated battle of Culloden, the amiable Stanhope departed from this kingdom, followed by the regret, the prayers, and good wishes of a crowd of attending and sorrowful spectators; to perpetuate his virtues and the gratitude of the nation, his bust was placed in the castle of Dublin, at the public expence.

Under Lord Chesterfield's government, the contest between English and Irish interest happily lay dormant; but after these halcyon days, it revived in full force; the chief management of the former devolved from Primate Boulter to Pri mate Hoadly, and from him, in 1747, to his successor, George Stone, promoted from the see of Derry; haughty, determined, and devoted to his party, this prelate scrupled at no means for the accomplishment of his purpose; and regardless of his pastoral duties, and solely intent on politics, he sacrificed religion and morality to the confirming and gaining of adherents. His chief opponent, as leader of the patriots, was Henry Boyle, the Speaker of the Commons, afterwards Earl of Shannon.

About this period, a political question was started in Ire-. land, and carried with extraordinary virulence by the contending parties, and which called forth into public view a character conspicuously and eminently distinguished. To in

crease the influence of the Crown, innovations were made în the charter of the city of Dublin, in the reign of Charles the Second, by depriving the Commons of the power of chusing the city magistrates, and placing it in the Board of Aldermen; subject in its exercise, upon each election, to the approbation of the Chief Governor and Privy Council. Charles Lucas, an apothecary, anxious for the rights of the citizens, into whose common Council he was admitted, proceeded to iií quire whether other encroachments had not been made on the rights of his fellow-citizens, and which had not the sanction of a law to justify them. Having satisfied himself by diligently searching their ancient records, that his apprehensions were well founded, he published his discoveries; the consequence of which was a violent contest between the Commons and Aldermen, and the former struggled in vain to regain their lost privileges. The exertions of Lucas, in every stage of the business, rendered him so respectable among his fellowcitizens, that, on the death of Sir James Somerville, he was encouraged to declare himself a candidate for a seat in Parliament; and particularly distinguished himself, not only by the boldness of his speeches, but still more so, by a number of addresses to his countrymen; in some of these he particularly considered the several branches of the Constitution, and pointed out the encroachments of the British legislature. Government, alarmed at his boldness, determined to crush him; and the most obnoxious passages were selected from his writings, and made the subject of parliamentary inquiry. The Commons voted him an enemy to his country, and addressed the Lord Lieutenant for an order to prosecute him, by the Attorney-General. The universal esteem in which he was held could not screen him from ministerial vengeance; he was driven from Ireland; but having spent some years in banishment, he returned to his country, on the death of the late King, and offered himself as a candidate for the city of Dub

lin; being again elected, he continued to distinguish himself by the same virtuous principles, for which he had been from the beginning so remarkable; and died with the character he had preserved through life, of the incorruptible Lucas.

In the year 1753, a memorable contest took place between Government and the Irish Parliament, relative to previous consent. As the representatives of the people impose the taxes requisite for defraying the expenses of the State, they considered it their right to superintend the expenditure; in order, if there should be a deficiency, to supply it; if a surplus, to place it to the credit of the nation, and apply it, by bill, for the public advantage. This they did, not as a matter of favor or of courtesy, but by an authority, which they had hitherto exercised without any impediment, and which necessarily and plainly resulted from the trust reposed in them. In this year a considerable sum, after the demands of Government were answered, remained in the treasury, and the Commons framed a bill, in the usual manner, for applying a competent part towards the payment of the national debt. The Duke of Dorset, then Lord Lieutenant, told the Parliament, that His Majesty "consented, and recommended to them to apply it to the reduction of the national debt.” As this implied a right inherent in His Majesty to dispose of the money as he thought proper, the proposal was accounted an invasion of the privileges of the House of Commons; no nofice was taken of the direction given by Dorset, but the bill was sent over to England as usual, without any notice taken of His Majesty's consent; there, however, this very material alteration was made, and the word consent introduced into it. The Commons at this time did not oppose so essential an alteration; but next year, on its being repeated, the bill was rejected. Government was now at the utmost pains to defend the measure they had adopted; and the press teemed with their pamphlets in justification of what they had done; the