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explanation required by the directory on the fubject; or to receive any contre-projet, refting on the fame bafis, which the directory might be difpofed to give in. That, moreover, I did not hefitate declaring to him, in conformity to the principles which I had laid down, and from which I certainly never fhould depart at any period of the negotiation, that I was prepared to anfwer any queftions, explain and elucidate any points on which it was poffible to forefee that doubts or mifconceptions could arife on the confideration of thefe papers. And having faid thus much, I had only to remark, that I believed, in no fimilar ne. gotiation which had ever taken place, any minifter was authorized, in the first instance, to go fo fully into the difcuffion as I now was. That I was fure, neither the truth of this remark, nor the manifeft conclufion to be drawn from it, would cfcape M. Delacroix's obfervation.

I then put the two papers into his hands. He began by reading the note, on which, of courfe, he could only exprefs fatisfaction. After perufing the confidential memorial with all the attention it deferved, he, after a fhort paufe, faid, that it appeared to him to be liable to infurmountable objections; that it feemed to him to require much more than it conceded, and, in the event, not to leave France in a fituation of proportional greatnefs to the other powers of Europe. He faid, the act of their conftitution, according to the manner in which it was interpreted by the beft publicifs, (and this phrafe is worthy remark) made it impoffible for the republic to do what we required. The Auftrian Netherlands were

annexed to it; they could not be difpofed of without flinging the nation into all the confufion which must follow a convocation of the primary affemblies: and he said, he was rather surprised that Great Britain fhould bring this forward as the governing condition of the treaty, fince he thought he had, in fome of our late converfations, fully explained the nature of their conftitution to me. I replied, that every thing I had heard from him on this point was perfectly in my recollection, as it probably was in his; that though I had liftened to him with that attention I always afforded to every thing he said, yet I had never made him any fort of reply, and had neither admitted nor controverted this opinion: that although I believed I could easily difprove this opinion from the fpirit of the French conftitution itself, yet the difcuffion of that constitution was perfectly foreign to the object of my miffion; fince, everi allowing his two pofitions, viz. that the retroceffion of the Austrian Netherlands was incompatible with their laws, and that we ought to have known that beforehand, yet that there exifted a droit public in Europe paramount to any droit public they might think proper to eftablifh within their own dominions; and that if their conftitution was publicly known, the treaties exifting between his majefty and the emperor were at leaft equally public; and in thefe it was clearly and diftinctly announced, that the contracting parties reciprocally promife not to lay down their arms without the reftitution of all the dominions, territories, &c. which may have belonged to either of them before the war. That the date of this ftipulation was previous to

their annexing the Auftrian Ne-
therlands to France; and the no-
toriety of this ought, at the very
moment when they had paffed that
law, to have convinced them, that,
if adhered to, it must prove an in-
furmountable obftacle to peace. I
applied his maxim to the Weft-
India iflands, and to the fettlements
in the East Indies; and asked him,
whether it was expected that we
were to wave our right of poffeffion,
and be required ftill to confider
them as integral parts of the French
republic which must be restored,
and on which no value was to be
fet in the balance of compenfation?
I alfo ftated the poffible cafe of
France having loft part of what the
deemed her integral dominions, in-
ftead of having added to them,in the
Course of the war; and whether
then, under the apprehenfion of
till greater loffes, the govern-
ment, as it was now compofed,
fhould confider itself as not vefted
with powers fufficient to fave their
country from the impending dan-
ger, by making peace on the con-
dition of facrificing a portion of
their dominions to fave the re-
mainder? M. Delacroix faid, this
was ftating a cafe of neceffity, and
fuch a mode of reafoning did not
attach to the prefent circumftances.
I readily admitted the first part
of this propofition, but contended,
that if the power exifted in a cafe
of neceffity, it equally exifted in
all others, and particularly in the
cafe before us, fince he himself
had repeatedly told me that peace
was what this country and its
government wifhed for, and even
wanted.

M. Delacroix, in reply, fhifted
his ground, and, by a ftring of ar-
guments founded on premifes cal-

culated for this purpose, attempted
to prove, that, from the relative
fituation of the adjacent countries,
the prefent government of France
would be reprehenfible in the ex-
treme, and deferve impeachment,
if they ever fuffered the Nether-
lands to be feparated from their do-
minions; that by the partition of
Poland, Ruffia, Austria, and Pruffia,
had increased their power to a most
formidable degree; that England,
by its conquefts, and by the acti-
vity and judgment with which
it governed its colonies, had re-
doubled its ftrength. Your In-
dian empire alone, faid M. Dela-
croix, with vehemence, has en-
abled you to fubfidize all the pow-
ers of Europe againft us; and your
monopoly of trade has put you in
poffeffion of a fund of inexhaustible
wealth. His words were, "Votre
empire dans l' Inde vous a fourni les
moyens de falarier toutes les puiffances
de l'Europe contre nous; et vous avez
accaparé le commerce de manière que
toutes les richefes du monde fe verfent
dans vos coffres."

From the neceffity that France
fhould keep the Netherlands and
the left bank of the Rhine for the
purpose of preferving its relative
fituation in Europe, he paffed to
the advantages which he contended
would refult to the other powers
by fuch an addition to the French
dominions. Belgium (to ufe his
words), by belonging to France,
would remove what had been the
fource of all wars for two centu-
ries paft; and the Rhine, being the
natural boundary of France, would
enfure the tranquillity of Europe
I did
for two centuries to come.
not feel it neceffary to combat this
prepofterous doctrine; I contented
myfelf with reminding him of what

he

he had faid to me in one of our laft conferences, when he made a comparison of the weakness of France under its monarchs, and its ftrength and vigour under its republican form of government. "Nous ne fommes plus dans la dé crépitude de la France monarchique, mais dans toute la force d'une repub. lique adolefcente," was his expreffion; and I inferred from this, according to his own reafoning, that the force and power France had acquired by its change of government, was much greater than it could derive from any acquifition of territory; and that it followed, if France, when under a regal form of government, was a very juft and conftant object of attention, not to fay of jealoufy, to the other powers of Europe, France (admitting his axiom) was a much more reasonable object of jealoufy and attention under its present conftitution than it ever had yet been, and that no addition to its dominions could be feen by its neighbours but under impreffions of alarm for their own future fafety, and for the general tranquillity of Europe. M. Delacroix's anfwer to this was fo remarkable, that I muft beg leave to infert it, in what I believe to be nearly his own words: -" Dans le tems révolutionnaire tout ce que vous dites, my Lord, etoit vrai rien n'égaloit notre puiffance; mais ce tems n'existe plus. Nous ne pouvons plus lever la nation en male, pour voler au fecours de la patre en danger. Nous ne pouvons plus engager nos concitoyens à ouvrir Leurs bourfes pour les verfer dans le tréfor national, et de fe priver même du neceffaire pour le bien de la chofe publique." And he ended by faying, that the French republic, when at peace, neceffarily must become the most quiet and pacific power

-

in Europe. I only obferved, that in this cafe the paffage of the re public from youth to decrepitude had been very fudden; but that ftill I never could admit that it could be a matter of indifference to its neighbours, much lefs of neceffary fecurity to itself, to acquire fuch a very extenfive addition to its frontiers, as that he had hinted at.

This led M. Delacroix to talk of offering an equivalent to the emperor for the Auftrian Netherlands; and it was be found, according to his plan, in the fecularization of the three ecclefiaftica electorates, and several bifhopricks in Germany and in Italy.

He talked upon this subject as one very familiar to him, and on which his thoughts had been frequently employed.

He spoke of making new electors, and named, probably with a view to render his fcheme more palatable, the stadtholder, and the dukes of Brunswick and Wurtemberg, as perfons proper to replace the three ecclefiaftical electors, which were to be reformed.

It would be making an ill use of your lordship's time, to endeavour to repeat to you all he faid on this fubject; it went in fubftance (as he himself confefied) to the total fubverfion of the prefent conftitution of the Germanic body; and as it militated directly against the principle which both his majefty and the emperor laid down fo diftinctly as the bafis of the peace to be made for the empire, I contented myself with reminding him of this circumftance, particularly as it is impoffible to difcufs this point with any prqpriety till his imperial majefty becomes a party to the negotia

tion. I took this opportunity of hinting, that if, on all the other points, France agreed to the propofals now made, it would not be impoffible that fome increase of territory might be ceded to her on the Germanic fide of her frontiers, and that this, in addition to the duchy of Savoy, Nice, and Avignon, would be a very great acquifition of ftrength and power. M. Delacroix here again reverted to the conftitution, and faid that thefe countries were already conftitutionally annexed to France. I replied, that it was impoffible, in the negotiation which we were beginning, for the other powers to take it up from any period but that which immediately preceded the war, and that any acquifition or diminution of territory which had taken place among the belligerent powers fince it first broke out, muft neceffarily become fubject matter for negotiation, and be balanced against each other in the final arrangement of a general peace. You then perfift, faid M. Delacroix, in applying this principle to Belgium? I anfwered, most certainly; and I should not deal fairly with you, if I hefitated to declare, in the outfet of our negotiation, that on this point you must enter tain no expectation that his majesty will relax, or ever confent to fee the Netherlands remain a part of France.

M. Delacroix replied, he faw no profpect in this cafe of our ideas ever meeting, and he defpaired of the fuccefs of our negotiation. He returned again, however, to his idea of a poflible equivalent to be found for the emperor; but as al he propofed was the alienation or the difmemberment of countries not belonging to France even by conqueft, I did not confider it as

deferving attention; and it is cer tainly not worth repeating to your lordfhip.

I need not observe that all the

equivalents propofed, however inadequate to the exchange, were offered as a return for our confent that the Netherlands fhould remain a part of France; of courfe, the admitting them in any fhape, would have been in direct contradiction to my inftructions.

M. Delacroix touched very flightly on Italy: and the courfe of our converfation did not bring this part of the fubject more into difcuffion.

I must add, that whenever I mentioned the restoration of the Netherlands to the emperor, I always took care it fhould be underftood that these were to be accompanied by fuch further ceffions as fiould form a competent line of defence, and that France could not 'be permitted to keep poffeffion of all the intermediate country to the Rhine; and I particularly dwelt on this point, when I held out the poffibility of admitting an extenfion of the lin.its of France on the fide of Germany. But as the French miuifter no lefs ftrenuously oppofed the reftitution of the Netherlands to the emperor than I tenacioufly infifted upon it, the further extenfion of my claim could not of course become a fubject of argument.

I believe I have now, with a tolerable degree of accuracy, informed your lordship of all that the French minifter faid, on my opening myfelf to him on that part of my inftructions which more immediately relates to peace between Great Britain, his imperial majefty, and France. It remains with me to inform your lordship what paffed between us on the fub ject of our refpective allies.

On

On the articles referving a right to the court of St. Peterburg, and to that of Lisbon, to accede to the treaty of peace on the strict ftatus ante bellum, the French minifter made no other remark than by mentioning the allies of the republic, and by inquiring whether I was prepared to fay any thing relative to their interefts, which certainly the republic could never abandon. This afforded me the opportunity of giving in the confidential memorial B. relative to Spain and Holland; and I prefaced it by repeating to him the fubftance of the firft part of your lordship's, No. 12.

Although I had touched upon the fubject of the Spanish part of St. Domingo, when I had been fpeaking to M. Delacroix on the peace with France, yet, as it did not become a matter of difcuffion between us till I came to mention the peace with Spain, I thought it better to place all that paffed on the fubject in this part of my difpatch; it was the only point on which he entered: but I by no means infer, from his not bringing forward fome claims for Spain, that we are not to hear of any in the courfe of the negotiation; on the contrary, I have little doubt that many, and most of them inadmiffible, will be made before it can end. He, however, was filent on them at this moment, and confined all he had to fay to combating the idea that Spain was bound by the treaty of Utrecht not to alienate her poffeffions in America. I had the article copied in my pocket, and I read it to him. He confeffed it. was clear and explicit, but that circumstances had fo materially altered fince the year 1713, that engagements made then ought

not to be confidered as in force now. I faid that the spirit of the article itself went to provide for diftant contingencies, not for what was expected to happen at or near the time when the treaty was made, and that it was because the altera tion of circumftances he alluded to was forefeen as poffible, that the claufe was inferted; and that if Spain paid any regard to the faith of treaties, the muft confider her. felf as no lefs ftrictly bound by this claufe now than at the moment when it was drawn up. I went on by faying that it did not, however, appear quite impoffible that this point might be fettled without much difficulty; and that means might be devifed that his catholic majefty fhould not break his faith, and both England and France be equally fatisfied. I then held out to him, but in general terms, that either Spain might regain her poffeffion of St. Domingo, by making fome confiderable ceffion to Great Britain and France, as the price of peace; or that, in return for leaving the whole of St. Do. mingo to France, we fhould retain either Martinico, or St. Lucia and Tobago. M. Delacroix liftened with a degree of attention to thefe propofals; but he was fearful of committing himself by any expreffion of approbation, and he difmiffed the fubject of the court of Madrid, by obferving, that France. never would forfake the interests of its allies.

Our converfation on thofe of its other ally, Holland, was much longer, as the wording of the memorial inevitably led at once deep into the fubject.

M. Delacroix affected to treat any deviation from the treaty of peace concluded between France

and

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