It being understood that preparations were making for another embarkation of troops from Ireland to America, a very important motion was on the 12th of December made by fir James Lowther, "that it be resolved by the house, that the war carried on against the colonies and plantations of North America had been ineffectual to the purposes for which it was undertaken; and that it was also the opinion of this house, that all farther attempts to reduce the Americans to obedience by force, must be injurious to this country, by weakening her powers to resist her antient and confederated enemies." In support of this motion, which was indeed the plain dictate of common fenfe, the mover observed, "that the late speech from the throne had given a just alarm to the nation-it had shewr them that the ministers were determined to perfevere in the American war-that more blood and more money were to be lavished in this fatal contest; the men invested with the powers of government derived no advantage from experience the furrender of one army only gave them spirit to risque a second, and the furrender of the second only instigated them to venture a third. There was no end of lofs nor of madness. The unexampled ignorance and misconduct of the ministry were now visible to all the world! It was therefore become the indispensible duty of that house to come to some folemn resolution, in order to mark and define their idea of the American war, and to convince their constituents that they were awake to the real situation of the country."

The motion was seconded by Mr. Powys, member for Northamptonshire, who acknowledged " that a variety of pretexts infidiously advanced by the minifters, and too creduloufly received by the majority of that house, had feduced them, from one session to another, to move with fatal steps along the path to national destruction. The war with the colonies was the idol of his majesty's ministers; they had bowed before it themselves, and had made

the nation bow. The conduct which at the commencement of hostilities might be denominated firmness, had now degenerated into obstinacy; an obftinacy which called upon all honest and independent men to defert the present administration, unless a change of meafures were adopted. That men who were indebted to war for their emoluments, power, and influence, should perfevere in fuch iniquitous and selfish measures, was not extraordi-. nary; but it was a just cause for wonder that they should be supported by individuals of independent principles and independent fortunes. The infidious pretence of revenue was grown too ftale for imposition. The American war had been a war of delufion from beginning to end. Every promife had been broken, every affertion had been falfified, every object relinquished. It was now a war of this fort, then a war of that fort; now a war of revenue, then a war of fupremacy; now a war of coercion, and then a war of friendship and affection for America: but it was time to put an end to these chicaneries. Whatever might be the nature of the war, no prospect of fuccess in it remained. He therefore not only gave the motion his full concurrence, but he should feel the highest pleasure if it received the general approbation of the houfe."

This fpeech bore a very ominous afpect with relation to the ministers; for, Mr. Powys being himself a principal leader of the independent interest, or country gentlemen, in the house, there was reason to apprehend the speedy and general defection of that high and haughty class of members: and a mere ministerial majority of placemen and penfioners, it is fuperfluous to fay, affords only a rotten and treacherous support, whenever a furmise prevails that fupport is really wanted.

In the course of the debate general Burgoyne acknowledged " that he was now convinced the principle of the American war was wrong, though he had not been of that

that opinion when he engaged in the service. Paffion and prejudice and interest were now no more, and reafon and observation had led him to a very different conclufion: and he now faw that the American war was only one part of a system levelled against the constitution of this country, and the general rights of mankind."

Notwithstanding the utmost oppofition of the minister, the numbers, on dividing the house, appeared to be 179 in favor of the motion, against 220 who opposed it. This was a majority in which the ministry had little reason to exult. It afresh excited the most sanguine hopes of the public, who, with the exception of the high tory and prerogative faction, were now perfectly unanimous in their reprobation of the war and its authors.

On the 14th of December, two days only after the motion of fir James Lowther, the army estimates were laid before the house by the fecretary at war, from which it appeared that the whole military force required for the year 1782, including, the provincial corps serving in America, amounted to 195,000 men. One hundred thousand seamen and marines had been already voted by the house. It was however stated by lord George Germaine, "that the ministry were of opinion, confidering the present situation of affairs, and the misfortunes of the war, that it would not be right to continue any longer the plan on which it had hitherto been conducted; and that a fresh army would not be sent to fupply the place of that captured at York town. It was intended only to preserve such posts in America, as might facilitate and cooperate with the enterprises of our fleets."

In the debate which ensued, fir George Saville particularly diftinguished himself. "At length, then," said this firm and faithful patriot, "we are given to understand that a change is to be made in the MODE of conducting the American war. The minifters do not intend to profecute it in the fame manner as before. - Why? Because they could

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could not if they would. But it appeared that they were determined to prosecute it with all the feeble efforts of which they were yet capable. Being detained in the country by ill health, he had not heard the king's speech on it's first delivery; but when it reached him in his retirement, he had read it with HORROR, announcing as it did the continuance of the present war in its most destructive form. As to the address of that house, in answer to the speech, it was a mere echo without meaning, a futile and empty found. So fervile was the dependence of that house on the executive power, and so little folicitous were they to conceal their dependence, that if the king's speech had contained the line, What beauties does Flora difclose! he doubted not but the address would have filled up the couplet by repeating, How sweet are her smiles, upon Tweed!' The ministers had lost the two hands of the empire in the profecution of this frantic and ineffectual war; by a continuance of it they would risque the head. Such a conduct resembled, if it did not indicate, the violence of infanity. Could the house fo far forget their dignity, and relinquish their understanding, as not to resist this madness? Would they intruft lunatics with the management of the public purse? Would they place the sword within their hands, and bid them use it at their DISCRETION ?"

General Conway declared himself " anxious for a recall of our fleets and armies from America. Of two evils he would choose the least, and submit to the independence of America, rather than persist in the profecution of so pernicious and ruinous a war. As to the idea now suggested of a war of posts, what garrifons, he asked, would be able to maintain them, when it was well known that even fir Henry Clinton, at New York, did not confider himself as fecure ?"

Mr. Fox remarked, "that four years ago, after the difafter of Saratoga, the noble lord at the head of affairs

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had amused the house with the fame language. Then the plan of future hoftilities was to be differently modified, and the war conducted on a smaller and more contracted scale. On this contracted scale, however, we had lost another great army, befides fuffering other grievous defeats, and irretrievable calamities."

Mr. Pitt reprobated with the utmost force of language, " as a species of obstinacy bordering upon madness, the idea of any further profecution of the American war with our fleets opposed by a superior force, and our armies in captivity. He appealed to the whole house, whether every description of men did not detest and execrate the American war, and whether it were uncharitable to implore the Almighty to shower down his vengeance on the men who were the authors of their country's ruin ?"

The impreffion made by the fuccessive speeches of the principal leaders of oppofition in this debate, was too great to be concealed; but the estimates, as originally moved, were at length voted by a confiderable majority. Nearly at this time a petition was presented by the city of London to the king, in which the calamities resulting from the war are stated in terms peculiarly impreffive and eloquent. In conclufion they fay, "we beseech your majesty no longer to continue in a delufion from which the nation has awakened, and that your majesty will be gracioufly pleased to relinquish entirely and for ever the plan of reducing our brethren in America by force. And we do further humbly implore your majesty, that your majesty will be gracioufly pleased to dismiss from your prefence and councils all the advisers, both public and fecret, of the measures we lament, as a pledge to the world of your majesty's fixed determination to abandon a system incompatible with the interest of the crown and the happiness of your people."

Soon after the recess of parliament, Mr. Fox renewed his former motion of cenfure against the first lord of the admiralty;