dinary concurrence of circumstances; the loyalty of the people has been elevated to a pitch of ardor which courtflattery itself will scarcely hesitate to acknowledge at least commenfurate with the merits of the monarch.

Alarmed at the novel and dangerous circumstances of the nation, both parties seemed at length disposed to pause, and a judicious idea suggested by the independent interest in the house of commons of a new administration, founded upon the widest and most comprehenfive basis, was liftened to with approbation; lord North, after all the mighty mischiefs of which he had been the occafion or the instrument, declaring himself willing to retire, if confidered as the obstacle to a general union.

The king, by a message to the duke of Portland, expressed his defire that an interview might take place between his grace and Mr. Pitt, for the purpose of arranging a new plan of administration on fair and equal terms. The duke, previously to the interview, requested to be informed in what sense he was to understand the words fair and equal; and Mr. Pitt declining any previous explanation, the negotiation terminated. But it was sufficiently evident that the question had reference to the superiority of voices claimed by the ex-ministers in the cabinet-a point which Mr. Fox still stood upon ground too high to

concede.

The house of lords, hitherto the filent and passive spectators of this extraordinary contest, now thought proper to come forward; and at the motion of the earl of Effingham their lordships resolved, " 1. That an attempt in any one branch of the legislature to fufpend the execution of law by separately affuming to itself the direction of a dif cretionary power vested by act of parliament, is unconftitutional"-alluding to the resolution of the commons ref pecting the non-acceptance of bills from India. "2. That by the known principles of the constitution the undoubted authority of appointing to the great offices of the executive government

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government was solely vested in the king, and that this house had every reason to place the firmest reliance on his majesty's wisdom in the exereise of this prerogative." These resolutions, in the form of an address, were prefented to the king. In return, the house of commons (February 16) refolved at the motion of lord Beauchamp,

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1. That the house had not affumed to itself a right to fufpend the execution of law, and 2. That for them to declare their opinion respecting the exercise of any difcretionary power was conftitutional, and agreeable to established ufage."

The oppofition, who were yet the majority of the house of commons, found themselves daily in a more embarraff ing situation. The king, the house of peers, and the nation at large, were now evidently and openly united in sentiment against them; their numbers were continually diminishing, and there was good reason to believe they would foon dwindle in a minority. Unsupported by the voice of the people, the house of commons can never appear great or refpectable; but when they are alfo unsupported by the power and influence of the crown, they must become infignificant and contemptible. Some farther efforts, however, to sustain an apparently finking cause, were yet with unbroken spirit attempted.

On the 20th of February an address, carried by a majo rity of 20 voices only, was presented to the king by the house, expreffive of " the reliance the house had on the wisdom of the fovereign, that he would take such meafures as might tend to give effect to the wishes of his faithful commons, by removing every obstacle to the formation of fuch an administration as the house of commons had declared to be requifite." To this the king again replied in terms happily adapted to the occafion-mentioning "his recent endeavors to unite in the public service, on a fair and equal footing, those whose joint efforts might have a tendency to put an end to the unhappy divisions and dif tractions

tractions of the country; observing, nevertheless, that there was no specific charge or complaint suggested against his present ministers, and that numbers of his fubjects had expressed to him in the warmest manner their fatisfaction at the late changes. Under these cirumstances he trufted his faithful commons would not wish that the effential offices of executive government should be vacated until such a plan of union as he had called for, and they had pointed out, could be carried into effect."

On the ist day of March a yet stronger address was moved and carried, but by a still smaller majority, in which the house " humbly befought his majesty that he would be graciously pleased to lay the foundation of a strong and stable government, by the previous removal of his present minifters," To this the king replied in the same mild and firm language-repeating, that no charge had been brought against his present ministers; and adding this remarkable observation, " that if there were any just ground for their removal, it ought to be equally a reason for not admitting them as a part of that extended and united administration which is stated to be requifite."

Addresses having been unavailingly tried, Mr. Fox in the following week moved a REPRESENTATION to the crown, which at great length, and in energetic language, stated " the dangerous and pernicious tendency of those measures and maxims by which a new system of executive government had been set up; which wanting the confidence of that house, and acting in defiance to their resolutions, must prove at once inadequate by its inefficiency to the necessary objects of government, and dangerous by its example to the liberties of the people." The motion was carried by a MAJORITY of ONE. And here the conteft may be said to have terminated; for the mutiny bill being brought forward on the following day, March 9; Mr. Fox, perceiving himself deferted by many of his partisans, aban doned his original intention of moving its postponement,

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as a security against a sudden and premature diffsolution. The universal sense of the nation in fav our of thenew mi nisters, which could no longer be denied, was ascribed to an unparalleled delusion; but Mr. Fox disclaiming any intention of obstructing the supplies, a diffolution was faid to be in the highest degree indefenfible. Little regard, however, was paid to the arguments of the opposition against a meafure so evidently to the advantage of the present ministers; and on the 24th of March the parliament was prorogued, and the next day diffolved by proclamation, and a new parliament convened to meet on the 18th of May.

The influence of the crown being now combined with the inclination and independent interest of the country, at the general election the effect produced was prodigious. The COALITIONISTS, even those who once stood highest in the estimation of the public, were almost every where thrown out: lord John Cavendish for the city, Mr. Foljambe the heir of fir George Saville, for the county of York; general Conway, for Bury; Mr. Coke, for Norfolk; Mr. Halsey, for Hertfordshire; Mr. Townshend, for Cambridge university; and Mr. Erskine, for Portfmouth. Mr. Fox himself, to the surprise of all, had a clear and great majority on the poll for Westminster, though the high bailiff by a fcandalous partiality refused to make the return in his favor for which an action was subsequently brought by Mr. Fox, in the court of king'sbench, and a verdict with large damages obtained.

The king in his opening speech expressed "great fatis. faction at meeting his parliament at this time, after having recurred in so important a moment to the sense of his people. He entertained a just and confident reliance that they were animated by the same sentiments of loyalty and attachment to the constitution which had been so fully manifested in every part of the kingdom. He recommended to their most serious confideration to frame suit

able provifions for the good government of our possessions

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in the East Indies. Upon this subject parliament would not lose fight of the effect which the measures they adopted might have on our own constitution, and our dearest interests at home." The address proposed on this occafion contained strong expressions of approbation respecting the late diffolution, which lord Surry on the ground of unanimity moved to omit. But Mr. Pitt declared, " that much as he was convinced of the importance of unanimity, he would not purchase an hollow unanimity by paffing over a great constitutional measure which the circumstances of the times had made neceffary and wife, and which had given the most entire fatisfaction to every part of the kingdom." On this point, therefore, the house divided, and the amendment of the earl of Surry was rejected by a majority of 76 voices; so that the diffolution appeared to have completely answered its intended purpose, and from this period Mr. Pitt may be regarded as the constitutional and efficient minister of the nation.

The established appellations of WHIG and TORY, as de scriptive of the two grand political parties which under these or equivalent terms of distinction will doubtless subfist so long as the present constitution of government shall remain, though greatly changed from their original fignification, it would nevertheless be faftidious to reject. The gradations of sentiment and principle which mark their progress it is however of indispensable importance occafionally to specify. The principles of whiggism may indeed in this respect be said to have gained a complete triumph over those of the antient tories, inasmuch as the once favorite maxims of toryism paffive obedience, non-refiftance, and the divine and indefeasible right of monarchyhave fallen into general contempt. Nor can any doctrines bearing the most distant analogy to these monstrous absurdities be now maintained, without the use of such artificial and ambiguous phraseology as, however magnificent in found

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