portant subject; among these were the duke of Richmond, lord Effingham, Mr. Pitt, Dr. Price, and Dr. Jebb. The most remarkable of the answers returned to this committee was that of the duke of Richmond, who recommended with great force, and in the most decided language, the plan of UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. "All plans merely of a fpeculative nature," this bold reformer affirmed, had been found infufficient to interest and animate the great body of the people, from whose earnestness alone any reform was to be expected. A long exclusion from any share in the legislation of their country had rendered the great mass of the people indifferent whether the monopoly that fubfifted continued in the hands of a more or less extended company; or whether it were divided by them into shares of somewhat more or less just proportion. They had been so often deceived, that they were scarcely now disposed to confide in any set of men. Nothing but self-evident conviction that a measure tended effectually to the recovery of their rights, could, or indeed OUGHT to interest them in its favor." The meeting at Lisburne was quickly followed by an afsembly of delegates held at Dungannon, for the province of Ulfter; at which the earl of Charlemont, generaliffimo of the volunteer corps throughout the kingdom; Mr. Conolly, confidered as the first commoner in point of property; and the bishop of Derry, brother to the late earl of Bristol, nominated in the year 1766 to the lord lieutenancy of Ireland, were present. The provinces of Leinster and Munster followed the example of Ulster-a NATIONAL CONVENTION was appointed to be held at Dublin on the 10th of November. Such was the posture of affairs in that kingdom, when the parliament of Ireland, recently elected, met on the 14th of October 1783. The earl of Northington opened the feffion with a judicious speech, in which he professed to anticipate the greatest national benefits from the wisdom and and temper of the new parliament. On the very first day of the feffion the thanks of both houses were voted to the different volunteer corps of Ireland for their public fervices: and a farther proof of the independent spirit now prevalent appeared in the resolution proposed by lord Mountmorres, and which received the fanction of both houses, " That in the present state of the kingdom, it was expedient that there should be a feffion of parliament held every year." On the 10th of November the national convention met agreeably to their appointment. Of this formidable afsembly the earl of Charlemont was elected prefident. On the motion of the bishop of Derry, a committee was forthwith appointed to digest a plan of reform, who in a short. time reported their opinion, That every proteftant freeholder, or leaseholder, possessing a freehold or leasehold for a certain term of years of forty shillings value, resident in any city or borough, should be entitled to vote in the election of member for the fame: That decayed boroughs should be enabled to return representatives by an extenfion of franchise to the neighbouring parishes: That the fuffrages of the electors should be taken by the sheriff or his deputies on the fame day at the respective places of electi on: That pensioners of the crown, receiving their pensions during pleasure, should be incapacitated from fitting in parliament; that every member of parliament accepting a pension for life, or any place under the crown, should vacate his feat; that each member should subscribe an oath, that he had neither directly nor indirectly given any pecuniary or other confideration, with a view of obtaining the fuffrage of any elector; finally, that the duration of parliament should not exceed the term of three years. This report was received by the convention with great applause, and resolutions to the same purport unanimously passed. On the very next day Mr. Flood, long known by his able and eloquent exertions in the cause of liberty, moved 1 f the ! the house of commons for leave to bring in a bill for the more equal representation of the people in parliament. It now appeared that the coalition ministers, as yet in the zenith of their power, had formed a fixed determination to oppose to the utmost the encroachments of a dangerous and armed democracy, unknown in their newly afsumed capacity to the laws and to the constitution. Mr. Yelverton, attorney general, declared that the question thus introduced did not deserve to be discussed, but that it ought to be regarded as an insult upon the house. If the bill originated, as it was notorious it did, with a body of armed men, they should decidedly set their faces against receiving it. They did not fit there to receive propositions at the point of the bayonet. He entertained an extreme reverence for the volunteers, for the effential services they had conferred on their country; but when they formed themselves into a political body, to discuss the modes of reforming parliament, and to regulate the affairs of the nation; when they would probe the wounds of the conftitution with the sword, he would be their most deter mined opponent. The question was now, Whether the national convention or the parliament of Ireland were to legislate for the country? What phænomenon was it they had so lately seen? Armed men drawn up in files, preparing the way for other armed men, resorting in faftidious pomp to a general assembly, and displaying all the oftentation of a real parliament! Would they submit to this? Was it decent for parliament to enter into any fort of compromise with this congress? Were the members of that house free in their deliberations while this military congrefs were fitting? No, it was necessary they should say to the volunteers" You have obtained a constitution and commerce; and now, instead of dictating to the legiflature of the kingdom, go to your own homes, change your attire, and turn your swords, no longer needed for the defence of your country, into plough-fhares and pruning-hooks." This : This speech, seconded by the efforts of Mr. Pelham, secretary to the lord lieutenant, and other zealous partisans of government, was decisive; and notwithstanding the ardent exertions of the rival patriots, Mr. Flood and Mr. Grattan, the house at a very late hour divided-Ayes 77, noes 157. Defirous to fix a still farther stigma on the measures of the convention, it was immediately moved by Mr. Yelverton, "That it was now necessary to declare that this houfe would fupport the rights and privileges of parliament against all encroachments." This resolution being carried by a great majority, an address to the king was moved, expreffive of the sense felt by the house of the blessings they enjoyed under his aufpices, and affuring him that they were determined to support inviolate the present constitution with their lives and fortunes, In this address the lords concurred. A protest, however, figned by the earl of Charlemont and four other peers, was entered in the journals of the house against it. Mr. Flood reported to the national convention, at their' fitting of the ist of December, the conduct of the house of commons; but far from displaying any symptoms of resentment, or even surprise, they came only to a tame and unintelligible resolution, "That they would carry on individually such investigations as might be neceffary to complete the plan of parliamentary reform;" not adverting to their recent and unanimous approval of a plan of reform, which they now virtually discarded as incomplete. But their humiliation was yet more apparent in the address voted on the following day to the king, on the motion of Mr. Flood, in the name of the delegates of all the volunteers of Ireland, " expressive of their duty and loyalty, claiming the merits of their past exertions, and imploring the king that their humble wish to have certain manifeft perverfions of the parliamentary representation of that kingdom kingdom remedied by the legislature in some reasonable degree, might not be attributed to any spirit of innovation, but to a sober and laudable defire to uphold the constitution, to confirm the fatisfaction of their fellow subjects, and to perpetuate the cordial union of both kingdoms." This act of paffive obedience and submission being ended, the convention adjourned fine die. So unexpected and extraordinary a termination of a bufiness which had previously wore so menacing and formidable an afpect, merits some attention. The convention probably did not at all expect a conduct so spirited and decifive on the part of the house of commons. If they refolved on the profecution of their plan, in direct contravention to the declared sense of the house, the most alarming confequences might be expected to ensue. Exclusive of the personal risque which they must in that case necessarily incur as members of an illegal and TRAITOROUS assembly, they unquestionably neither wished themselves, nor was it by any means clear that their constituents were prepared to support them in any attempt to fubvert the established government by force. The profpect of ultimate advantage bore no proportion to the certainty and magnitude of the evil to be encountered. Another confideration of the greatest moment was, that this convention well knew they did not really poffefs the confidence of the nation, taking that term in its proper and most extensive sense. It was an undoubted fact that more than two thirds of the inhabitants of the kingdom were catholics, who, if the propofed plan of reform had been adopted, would receive no benefit from it; and who were of course wholly indifferent as to the success of it. By some daring and decisive spirits it was indeed propofed at the provincial meetings, to place the catholics in the new order of things precisely upon the fame footing with the protestants. This would indeed have given irresistible weight to the application; but men capable of cool and fober reflection, though firm and zealous |