lier York had been formally apprized:---but what was the astonishment of their high mightinesses, when the said ambaffador, calling the faid resolve illufive, flatly refused to tranfmit it to his court! This obliged their high mightinesses to send it to count Welderen, their minister in London, with orders to lay it before his Britannic majesty, whose minifters had nevertheless returned it unopened to the ambaffador." The war, thus rashly and haughtily commenced, was conducted in the bitter spirit of animosity and revenge. But before the military operations of the year are entered upon, it will be proper to terminate the civil and parliamentary history of the present session. The famous reform bill of Mr. Burke was revived soon after the recess: but, on the motion for the second reading, it was rejected in toto, by a majority of 233 voices to 190; though ably and powerfully supported by many of the most eminent members of the house. Amongst the speeches which attracted most strongly the public attention was that delivered with much grace and energy by Mr. William Pitt, second son of the late earl of Chatham, who in very early youth had been elected a member of the present parliament, and who now ex hibited himself to an admiring nation as equally the heir of his talents and virtues. "One great object," Mr. Pitt faid, " of all the petitions which had been presented, was a recommendation of economy in the public expenditure; and the design of the present bill was, to carry into into effect the wishes of the people, by introducing a fubstantial system of economy. Besides the benefits which would refult from the bill in this respect, it had another object still more important, and that was the reduction of the influence of the crown-an influence which was the more to be dreaded, because more fecret in its attacks, and more concealed in its operations, than the power of prerogative." Mr. Pitt adverted to the extraordinary objections which had been made to the bill; it proposed to bring no more than 200,000l. per ann. into the public coffers, and that sum was infignificant, in comparison of the millions annually expended. "What then is the conclufion we are left to deduce? The calamities of the present crisis are too great to be benefited by economy. Our expences are so enormous, that it is useless to give ourselves any concern about them; we have spent, and are spending so much, that it is foolish to think of saving any thing. Such is the language which the opponents of this bill have virtually employed. It had alfo been faid, that the king's civil list was an irrefumable parliamentary grant, and it had been even compared to a private freehold. The weakness of such arguments was their best refutation. The civil list revenue was granted to his majesty, not for his private use, but for the support of the executive government of the state. His majesty, in fact, was the trustee of the public, fubject to parliamentary revision. The parliament made the grant and undoubte edly had a right to refume it when the pressure of the times rendered such resumption necessary. Upon the whole, he confidered the present bill as essential to the being and independence of this country, and he would give it his most determined support." * It is a remarkable fact, positively affirmed by Rendorp, burgomaster of Amsterdam, in a political publication, called Memorien dienende tot Opbeldering, and ftill uncontradicted, that fir Jofeph Yorke, when he left the Hague, went to Antwerp, and inftigated the inhabitants of that city to petition the emperor to infift on the free navigation of the Scheldt. And it is notorious, that when this demand was, fome years afterwards, actually made by the emperor, England far from taking any alarm, looked on with calm indifference, or rather with pleasure. But when the fame thing was, more recently, attempted by France; the balance of Europe was discovered to be in imminent danger of fubversion: and England and Holland, without allowing any time or opportunity for explanation or retraction, were plunged into a most ruinous and destructive war, under the pretext of defending the violated rights of the treaty of Westphalia. Early in March, the minister, lord North, brought forward the annual statement of the public account. The entire expenditure of the year his lordship calculated at twenty-one millions, twelve of which it would be neceffary cessary to raise by a public loan: as to the terms of which, his lordship had contracted with the fubfcribers, to grant 150l. capital stock at three per cent. and 251. capital stock at four per cent. for every 100l. in money; thus creating a new capital of eighteen millions three per cent. and three millions four per cent. being nine millions more than the sum actually paid into the exchequer. To defray the interest of this loan, new taxes would be wanting to the amount of 660,000l. annually, i. e. 60,000l. more than the legal established interest of five per cent.: exclusive of which, as the subscription to the loan bore a premium of ten per cent. the farther sum of 1,200,0001. was lost to the nation. The terms of this extraordinary contract were, even by several of the friends of the minifter, declared to be extravagantly high; and it was by Mr. Fox reprobated in the most indignant expreffions of feverity, as "the most corrupt in its origin, the most shameful in its progress, and the most injurious in its confequences, that ever came under the contemplation of that house. In order to carry on a wicked, impolitic, and bloody war, the minister would not fcruple," faid this formidable speaker, " to extort the last guinea from the pockets of the people. The noble lord stands convicted of having made, in the character of agent and trustee for the nation, an improvident, scandalous, and profligate bargain, for which he deserves public execration and exemplary punishment." On a division, the motion of the minifter was carried by a majority of 169 to 111 voices. In the house of lords, it was again vigorously opposed by lord Rockingham, the duke of Portland, and other peers, who, in a joint protest, recorded their names, to adopt the language of their lordships, " in teftimony of their strongest condemnation of the terms of this loan, and of the MOTIVES which they conceive dictated terms so very difadvantageous to the crown and nation." All the the influence and all the activity of the ministers of the crown were now indeed obviously neceffary to prevent a parliamentary abandonment of the present system. Some weeks afterwards, the subject was again revived in the house of commons, by a motion of fir George Saville, that a select committee be appointed, to enquire into the circumstances of the late loan, to make an estimate of its terms, and report the fame to the house. " Though the bargain of the minifter had been irrevocably ratified by the house, this diftinguished patriot observed, that it was not yet too late, on discovering the shameless prodigality of the terms on which it was concluded, to pass a vote of cenfure, or even of impeachment, on the man who had facrificed the public in so gross and daring a manner." This gave rise to a vehement debate, at the conclufion of which the motion was rejected by a majority of 46 only, in a house consisting of near 400 members. And thus were the loud calls of the nation, for an economical reform in the public expenditure, set at contemptuous defiance by the unprincipled effrontery of the ministers. Towards the end of the feffion, Mr. Fox moved the house, to refolve itself into a committee, to confider of the American war, for the purpose of devising some means of accommodation. This motion was supported in an animated speech by Mr. Pitt, who expressed his utter abhorrence of a war, " which was conceived," he said, " in injustice, nurtured in folly, and whose footsteps were marked with flaughter and devastation. It exhibited the height of moral depravity and human turpitude. The nation was drained of its best blood and its vital resources, for which nothing was received in return but a feries of inefficient victories or disgraceful defeats,-victories obtained over men struggling in the holy cause of liberty,or defeats which filled the land with mourning for the lofs of dear and valuable relatives, flain in a detested and impious impious quarrel." The motion was rejected by a majority of 73 voices. A very confiderable proportion of the present seffion was occupied in the confideration of the affairs of India, of which the interval between the civil and military transactions of the present year affords a proper opportunity to take a general review, from the period in which the memorable bill of regulation framed by the minister, lord North, A. D. 1773, passed into a law. In the month of April 1772, took place, in consequence of the removal of governor Cartier, the memorable appointment of Warren Hastings, esq. as governor-general of India; a man, whose conduct throughout all the infe rior gradations of office stood confefsedly unimpeached*. The members of the fupreme council appointed under the new act were, fir John Clavering, colonel Monson, and Philip Francis, esq. than whom persons of more inflexible probity and enlightened beneficence could not have been selected by the wisdom of parliament, for the purpose of stemming that tide of corruption and rapacity, which inundated the government of India throughout all its departments and ramifications; and which, when opportunties and temptations arise to a certain height, shall cease to " overleap the mounds of right" when the Ganges shall cease to flow. It is remarkable that these three gentle men * When lord Clive embarked for Europe, February, 1760, he left the government in the hands of Mr. Holwell protempore; Mr. Vanfittart being then actually appointed, and arriving at Calcutta in the month of July. Mr. Vanfittart remained in Bengal till the beginning of 1764, and was fucceeded by Mr. Spencer, who was quickly superseded by lord Clive. On the fecond refignation of lord Clive, Mr. Veerlst was advanced to the government of Bengal. To him succeeded Mr. Cartier. Both these gentiemen entered into the views, and acted upon the system established by lord Clive. At length the Sullivan party prevailing in the direction, Mr. Hattings was, in opposition to the influence of his lordship, appointed governor of Bengal: and the more fecret transfactions, with the concomi tant intrigues and cabals, which distinguished his administration, can be perfectly understood only by those who have wasted their time in developing the complex and clashing interests, and never-ceasing contentions and animohties, of the Clive and Sullivan factions. |