not henceforth deviate from the path of political rectitude. M. Necker and count Montmorin were immediately reinftated in their offices. The count d'Artois, marshal Broglio, the prince of Condé, and other leaders of the court faction, were compelled to seek for safety in flight: and on the 17th of July the king made his triumphal entry into Paris.

The affembly now proceeded without interruption in their labors; and in a short time several very important decrees, containing the first principles of the new constitution, importing the fubordination of the executive, the fupremacy of the legislative, and the independency of the judicial powers, were presented for the royal acceptance. After a delay of many weeks, and an urgent reapplication, the royal affent was most reluctantly given, with an express falvo for the antient effential and conftitutional prerogatives of the crown. All the former jealoufies were now revived; and it was univerfally rumored and believed, that preparations were in train to facilitate the retreat of the king to Metz in Lorraine, where the royal standard was to be raised in hoftile oppofition to the national assembly. Inflamed and enraged with this dreadful apprehenfion, another popular infurrection, of a nature not less extraordinary than the former, took place, October the 6th, in which a nocturnal attack was made on the palace of Verfailles, the king and the queen, by whose fatal counsels the monarch had been chiefly guided, made captives, and conducted to Paris, where the palace of the Tuilleries, fecured by a strong military guard, was affigned them for their future refidence. The effect of this violence on the person of the fovereign was an explicit and unconditional acceptance on his part of the articles of the constitution, formerly presented; and the national assembly removed their fittings to Paris, where they were henceforth deeply occupied in executing the Herculean task of regenerating

the

the whole system of the national polity, laws and govern

ment.

Amongst the decrees which most excited the admiration or astonishment of the world were those which pronounced the annihilation of all feudal privileges, the abolition of all distinction of orders, the refumption of tithes and other ecclefiaftical and monaftic property; the diffolution of monastic institutions; the allotment of the kingdom into a new territorial division, under the name of departments, eighty-three in number, nearly equal in population and extent; finally, the extinction of the provincial parliaments, and the establishment of departmental assemblies, of courts of justice, and the trial by jury in each department. The general principles on which the government of the kingdom was modelled, were comprehended in a declaration of rights, drawn up with great precision and ability; and which may serve as a perpetual charter of liberty to mankind*.

It

It is no wonder that a revolution so extraordinary, and which, notwithstanding certain unhappy concomitant irregularities and excesses, afforded so fair a prospect of future and permanent happiness, should excite great exultation amongst the friends of liberty in England. The first public demonstration of this appeared on the occafion of an anniversary meeting of a whig association in the metropolis, known by the name of the revolution society, on the 5th of November, to celebrate the memory of that great monarch, by whose heroic interpofition, at a crifis of imminent danger, the laws and liberties of Great Britain were, under the favoring aufpices of heaven, fettled on a folid and permanent basis. Previous to the affembling of the members at the usual place of festive meeting, a fermon or difcourse on " the love of our country" was preached to fuch as chose to hear, at a chapel belonging to the diffenters at the Old Jury, by the famous Dr. Price; in which the primary principles of government were stated in a mode which the fanction of a century had rendered familiar in this country; and the great doctrines of liberty inculcated with all that emphafis and energy which characterized the pen of that distinguished and venerablepat riot. "The improvement of the world depended," as the preacher affirmed, " on the attention given by men to this topic. Nor will mankind be ever as virtuous and happy as they are capable of being, till the attention to it becomes univerfal and efficacious. If we forget it, we shall be in danger of an idolatry as gross and stupid at that of the antient heathens,

XIII. Public contributions ought to be divided equally among the members of the community, according to their several abilities.

XIV. Every citizen has a right, by himself or his representative, to a free voice in determining the necessity and appropriation of public contributions.

XV. Every community has a right to demand of its agents an account of their conduct.

XVI. Every community, in which the separation of powers is not determined, nor a security of rights provided for, wants a constitution.

XVII. The right to property being inviolable and facred, no one ought to be deprived of it, except in cases of evident public necessity legally afcertained, and upon condition of a previous and just indemnity.

heathens, who, after fabricating blocks of wood or stone, fell down and worshipped them." At the conclufion of this discourse, in expatiating on the favorableness of the present time to all exertions in the cause of liberty, he broke out into the following eloquent exclamation"What an eventful period is this! I am thankful that I have lived to it: and I could almost say, LORD! now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation. I have lived to see a diffufion of knowledge which has undermined superstition and error; I have lived to fee the rights of men better understood than ever, and nations panting for liberty which seemed to have loft the idea of it. I have lived to fee thirty millions of people indignantly and resolutely spurning at slavery, and demanding liberty with an irresistible voice; their king led in triumph, and an arbitrary monarch furrendering himself to his fubjects. - After sharing in the benefits of one revolution, I have been spared to be a witness to two other revolutions, both glorious; and now methinks I fee the ardor for liberty catching and spreading, and a general amendment beginning in human affairs-the dominion of kings changed for the dominion of laws, and the dominion of priests giving way to the dominion of reason and confci

ence.

Be encouraged, all ye friends of freedom, and writers in its defence! The times are aufpicious. Your labors have not been in vain. Behold kingdoms admonished by you, starting from fleep, breaking their fetters, and claiming justice from their oppreffors! Behold the light you have struck out, after setting America free, reflected to France, and there kindled into a blaze, that lays defpotifm in ashes, and warms and illuminates EUROPE!"

Impressed with these noble and elevated sentiments, the fociety, whose numbers on this occafion far exceeded those of any former anniversary, unanimously resolved, on the motion of Dr. Price, to offer in a formal address " their congratulations to the national assembly, on the event of the late glorious revolution in France." This being tranfmitted mitted by the chairman, lord Stanhope, to the duke de la Rochefoucault, and laid by that diftinguished nobleman before the afsembly, was received with loud acclamations. " It belonged," said the duke de la Rochefoucault in his reply, " to Dr. Price, the apostle of liberty, to propose a motion tending to pay to liberty the fairest homage-that of national prejudices." In that address is feen the dawn of a glorious day, in which two adverse nations shall contract an intimate union, founded on the fimilarity of their opinions, and their common enthusiasm for liberty." Alfo the archbishop of Aix, president of the national affembly, tranfmitted to lord Stanhope, in a manner the most polite and flattering, the vote of the affembly, relative to the address, stating, " that the affembly was deeply affected with this extraordinary proof of esteem, and directing the president to express to the revolution society, the lively sensibility with which the national affembly had received an address, breathing those sentiments of humanity and universal benevolence, that ought to unite together in all countries of the world the true friends of liberty, and the happiness of mankind."

Such was the general state of things, when the parliament of Great Britain was convened at Westminster, January the 21st, 1790. The king's speech contained nothing remarkable. It flightly and ambiguously glanced on the affairs of France, in declaring " the internal fituation of the different parts of Europe to have been productive of events which had engaged his majesty's most serious attention." But early indications appeared of the light in which the recent transactions in that kingdom were viewed by the

court.

Lord Valletort, in moving the address, took occafion to contrast the tranquil and profperous fituation of England with the anarchy and licentiousness of France, and to ftigmatize the revolution in that kingdom as an event the most disastrous, and productive of consequences the most fatal which had ever taken place fince the founda

tion

1