January 1792. 'The king announced in his speech the marriage of his fon the duke of York with the princefs Frederica, daughter of his good brother the king of Pruffia. He informed the two houses that a treaty had been concluded, under his mediation and that of his allies, between the emperor and the Ottoman porte, and preliminaries agreed upon between the latter of those powers and Rufiia. The general state of affairs in Europe promifed a continuance of peace, and he was induced to hope for an immediate reduction of the naval and military establish. ments."

The address of thanks and approbation moved by Mr. Charles Yorke, and feconded by fir James Murray, excited fome fevere animadverfions from Mr. Fox, who, in allufion to the ceffion of Oczakow to Ruffia, observed, " that it required no moderate share of affurance for minifters to fay to gentlemen who had fupported their meafures as wife and necessary, • That which you laft feffion contended for as of the utmost importance, we have now abandoned as of none. Will you have the goodness to move an address approving what we have done?" Mr. Fox thought it extraordinary that, in mentioning the inestimable bleffings of peace and order, no notice was taken of the violent interruption of order which had occurred in the course of the summer. At the close of the eighteenth century we had feen the revival of the spirit and practice of the darkest ages. It would have been well if his majesty had spoken of those riots in the terms they merited. They were not riots for bread-they were not riots in the cause of liberty, which, however highly to be reprobated, had yet fome excuse in their principle; they were riots of men neither aggrieved nor complaining-of men who had fet on foot an indiscriminate perfecution of an entire description of their fellow-citizens, including perfons as eminent for their ability, as blameless in their conduct, and

as

as faithful in their allegiance, as this or any country could boaft."

Mr. Pitt deprecated with warmth the invidious revival of a fubject so unpleasant and unprofitable, and wished rather to call the attention of the house to the flourishing condition of the commerce and finances of the nation, of which in a short time he propofed fubmitting to the house a correct statement. Accordingly on the 17th of February the minifter, in the course of a most eloquent and animated speech, delineated a picture of national profperity, more flattering than even the most glowing imagination had ventured to suggest. "The amount of the permanent revenue, with the land and malt duties annexed, from January 1791 to January 1792, he estimated at 16,730,000l. being 300,000l. more than the aggregate of the preceding year. The permanent expenditure, including the interest of the debt, the annual million applied towards its extinction, the civil lift, and the military and naval establishments, he calculated at 15,810,000l. leaving a clear furplus of more than 900,000l. In this state of things he thought himself authorized to propose the repeal of a part of the more burdensome taxes, to the amount of about 200,000l. per annum; and at the fame time to apply the fum of 400,00ol. to the reduction of the national debt, in aid of the annual million appropriated by parliament. This would still fall far short of his estimate of the national ability, and there was good ground to believe that we had not reached by many degrees the summit of our profperity. When the debentures to the American loyalists should be difcharged, which would happen in about four years, an addition of near 300,000l. would accrue to the revenue. In confequence of the general improvement of credit, the three per cents. would foon rise so high as to enable the parliament to effect a reduction of the four, and, as foon as by law redeemable, of the five per cents. which would add the fum of 700,000l. or little less to the sinking fund. The The indefinite additions which might be expected from the increasing produce of the existing taxes, the refult of our rapidly increasing commerce, must mock all calculation. Our exports had risen one-third in value since the year 1783, i. e. from 14,741,000l. to 20,120,000l. and our internal trade had increased in at least an equal proportion. Thus shall we be enabled to make a swiftly accelerated progress in the effential work of liquidating the national debt, and in a very short space of time to reach a point which perhaps not long fince was thought too distant for calculation. On the continuance of our present profperity it is indeed impoffible to count with certainty; but UNQUESTIONABLY there never was a time when, from the situation of Europe, we might more reasonably expect a durable peace than at the present moment." After developing with much ability and fagacity the hidden but operative springs of the returning profperity of the country, the minifter concluded with the following memorable words: "From the refult of the whole I trust I am entitled to infer, that the scene which we are now contemplating is not the tranfient effect of accident, not the short-lived profperity of a day, but the genuine and natural refult of regular and, permanent causes. The season of our fevere trial is at an end; and we are at length relieved, not only from the dejection and gloom which a few years fince hung. over the country, but from the doubt and uncertainty which, even for a confiderable time after our profpect had begun to brighten, still mingled with the hopes and expectations of the public. We may yet indeed be subject to those fluctuations which often happen in the affairs of a great nation, and which it is impoffible to calculate or foresee; but as far as there can be reliance on human fpeculations, we have the best ground from the experience of the past to look with fatisfaction to the present, and with confidence to the future. Nunc demum redit animus, cum non fpem modo ac votum fecuritas publica, fed ipfius voti fidu

ciam et robur affumpferit." Such were the brilliant hopes which the nation was at this moment of exultation taught to indulge, and with fuch dazzling splendor rofe the morn of a year destined to fet in darkness, calamity, and blood!

The papers relative to the Ruffian armament being laid on the table, Mr. Grey noticed feveral material omissions, and an entire chasm in the correspondence from October 31, 1790, to May 26, 1791, and moved " that the papers thus withheld be laid before the house." Mr. Pitt affirmed, that the papers called for by Mr. Grey were highly improper to be produced. He did not think it consistent with good policy, to disclose circumstances which might endanger the situation of our public alliances; and again urged the neceffity of confidence in the executive government. Mr. Fox indignantly replied, " that the confidence of the nation was placed in their reprefentatives; and if those to whom they had given their confidence should. transfer that confidence to the minister, they were betrayed, not represented. As to this pretended necessity of confidence, there need be nothing fecret where there was nothing wrong; yet pending the negotiation with Russia they were kept in the dark, and by a climax in confidence, when the negotiation was terminated, they were still denied information." In the course of the debate it was forcibly observed, in allufion to the projected war with Ruffia, " that it would require more eloquence even than that which had been lately employed in defcribing the prosperity of this country, to justify a measure which put its profperity so much to the hazard."

On the evidence of the papers actually produced, and the facts publicly ascertained, Mr. Whitbread on the 27th of February (1792) moved a resolution of cenfure on the ministers, importing, " that Oczakow was not an object of fufficient importance to justify the armed interference of this country" Mr. Whitbread faid, " it was the most felf-evident of all propofitions, that no arrangement affect

ing ing Oczakow could in any way affect the political or com mercial interests of Great Britain. We exported nothing thither, we imported nothing from it: the oftenfible cause of the difpute, therefore, could not be the real caufe. There was ground to believe the existence of a fecret negotiation, by which Pruffia flattered herself with the hope of obtaining Dantzic and Thorn as a compenfation for permitting the empress of Ruffia to retain poffeffion of Oczakow. It appeared that the empress had fo early as December 1789 requested the interference of Great Britain to effect a peace, upon the terms of extending her frontier to the Niester; and erecting the provinces of Moldavia, Bessarabia, and Wallachia into an independent principality under a christian prince. These terms were refused by the court of London, and the empress was told that no attention would be paid to any terms not refting upon the bafis of a flatus quo. At length, after blustering, threatening, and arming, came the humiliating memorial of the 29th of June 1791, which at once conceded all that we had negotiated, threatened, and armed, to obtain."

The motion was ably supported by Mr. Grey, who remarked, " that fince the affair of Holland the minifter had become intoxicated with power, and fancied he could parcel out kingdoms and provinces at his pleasure. He feemed as much delighted with this idea as Don Quixote with books of chivalry, and amused himself with curvetting in this court, prancing in that, menacing here, vaunting there-in a word, out-heroding Herod."

Mr. Fox took a comprehenfive view of the question, and dwelt with much energy and effect on the folly of making Oczakow a primary object of negotiation, and the inconfiftency and disgrace of its subsequent abandonment, "Oczakow, faid he, was every thing by itself; but when minifters added to Oczakow the honor of England, it became nothing. Oczakow and honor weighed nothing in the scale. Honor is, in the political arithmetic of minif