ters, a minus quantity to be subtracted from the value of Oczakow. Against the vain theories of men who project fundamental alterations upon grounds of mere speculative objection, the constitution may be easily defended; but when they recur to facts, and shew me how we may be doomed to all the horrors of war by the caprice of an individual, who will not even condescend to explain his reafons, I can only fly to this house, and exhort you to roufe from your lethargy of confidence into the active mistrust and vigilant control which are your duty and your office." On the divifion there appeared for the question 116, againft it 244.

A motion fimilar to that of Mr. Whitbread was nearly at the fame time made by earl Fitzwilliam in the upper house. It was oppofed by the lords Grenville and Hawkefbury, the latter of whom threw much light on the real motives of the late interference, by expatiating largely on the ingratitude of Ruffia, and the injurious conduct of that power during the late war; and it evidently appeared by the language of this secret adviser of public measures, that the ARMED NEUTRALITY of the empress, although twelve years had paffed fince the date of it, was not yet forgotten or forgiven. And lord Carlifle did not therefore express himself with perfect accuracy, when, in reviewing the political objects of the armament, his lordship faid, "he believed they might ALL be refolved into the endeavour to obtain for Pruffia Dantzic and Thorn." The motion was negatived by a majority of 82 to 19 voices.

Although it appeared by the event of the motion of Mr. Wilberforce in the preceding feffion, that the enthusiasm of parliament on the fubject of the flave trade had greatly fubfided; that of the public at large was nevertheless increasing, and it had now attained its highest pitch. The table of the house of commons was covered with petitions from all parts of the kingdom, imploring in earnest language the abolition of that iniquitous and inhuman traffic.

On the 2d of April (1791) the house resolved itself into a committee on the flave trade, at the instance of Mr. Wilberforce, who moved, at the close of a very able speech, a second time the question of abolition. Mr. Wilberforce declared, " that from his exertions in this cause he had found happiness, though not hitherto success. It enlivened his waking and foothed his evening hours, and he could not recollect without fingular fatisfaction that he had demanded justice for millions who could not afk it for themselves-AFRICA! AFRICA! he exclaimed with paffionate emotion, your sufferings have been the theme that has arrested and engages my heart. Your fufferings no tongue can express, nor no language impart." Mr. Wilberforce was powerfully supported by many of the most respectable members of the house; amongst whom Mr. Whitbread particularly diftinguished himself by the energy and animation of his remarks, "It was the necessary quality of defpotifm, he said, to corrupt and vitiate the heart: and the moral evils of this system were still more to be dreaded than the political. But no mildness in practice could make that to be right which was fundamentally wrong. Nothing could make him give his affent to the original fin of delivering man over to the defpotism of man. It was too degrading to fee, not the produce of human labor, but man himself, made the object of trade."

In confequence of the ardor displayed by the nation at large in this business, it was at length determined to concede what it was now become difficult, perhaps dangerous, to withhold. Mr. Dundas, advanced to the dignity of secretary of state by the resignation of the duke of Leeds -and the organ of the interior cabinet in the house of commons-now therefore, after a plaufible speech recommending to the house the adoption of a middle and moderate plan, such as would reconcile the interests of the West India Islands with the eventual abolition of the trade, thought

thought proper to move that the word " gradual" might be inferted before " abolition."

Mr. Pitt, who had invariably supported the measure of abolition, not as a minister merely, but as a man feeling for all mankind, declared his decided disapprobation of the amendment proposed by his right honorable friend : and, in a speech fraught with argument and eloquence, conjured the house not to poftpone even for an hour the great and neceffary work of abolition. "Reflect," said. Mr. Pitt, " on the 80,000 persons annually torn from their native land! on the connections which are broken! on the friendships, attachments and relationships that are burst asunder! There is something in the horror of it that furpasses all the bounds of imagination. How shall we repair the mischiefs we have brought upon that continent? If, knowing the miseries we have caused, we refuse even now to put a stop to them, how greatly aggravated will be the guilt of Britain! Shall we not rather count the days and hours that are fuffered to intervene, and to delay the accomplishment of fuch a work? I trust we shall not think ourselves too liberal, if we give to Africa the common chance of civilization with the rest of the world. If we liften to the voice of reason and duty, and pursue this night the line of conduct which they prescribe, fome of us may live to fee a reverse of that picture from which we now turn our eyes with shame and regret. We may live to behold the natives of Africa engaged in the calm occupations of industry, in the pursuits of a just and legitimate commerce. We may behold the beams of science and philosophy breaking in upon their land, which, at some happy period in still later times, may blaze with full luftre; and, joining their influence to that of pure religion, may illuminate and invigorate the most distant extremities of that immense continent. Then may we hope, that even Africa, though last of all the quarters of the globe, shall enjoy at length in the evening of her days those bleffings which have defcended so plentifully upon us in a much earlier period of the world

In this view, as an atonement for our long and cruel injustice towards Africa, the measure now before the house moft forcibly recommends itself to my mind. The great and happy change to be expected in the state of her inhabitants is, of all the various and important benefits of the abolition, in my estimation incomparably the most extenfive and important." Thus nobly can Mr. Pitt at times redeem his errors, and deviations from rectitude; and still preferve a place in the esteem of the wife, and affection of the good. The amendment of Mr. Dundas was neverthelefs carried on the division by a majority of 68 voices. On which he subsequently moved, " that the importation of negroes into the British colonies should cease on the Ift of January 1800." This, on the motion of lord Mornington, was after great difficulty and debate altered to January 1, 1796. A feries of resolutions founded on this bafis were then agreed to, and fent up for the concurrence of the lords.

But these resolutions were fated to meet with a very cold reception in the upper house; and from a large proportion of their lordships a most determined oppofition. As this was a favorite measure with the nation, and had indeed been supported in a peculiar manner by the voice of the people, they were highly and justly offended to see the duke of Clarence, third son of the king, commence his career of public life with a violent declamation against the abolition, and invective against its advocates; whom he falfely and foolishly represented as actuated by the spirit of political and religious fanaticifm. With a view to protract, and if poffible to dismiss the business, the lord chancellor moved, " that evidence be heard, not before a select com.. mittee,

mittee, according to the propofition of lord Grenville, but at the bar of the house." This was seconded by lord Hawkesbury, the well known and inveterate enemy of the abolition; of whom it has been affirmed with the utmost bitterness of sarcasm, " that in spite of the habitual fraud and falsehood of his character, he is earnest and fincere in his contempt of virtue and hatred of freedom." The motion being carried, the house flept over the business during the remainder of the session."

Mr. Pitt having, in his speech on the motion for the repeal of the test, avowed in the most unequivocal and unguarded terms the right of the dissenters to a full and com✓plete toleration; Mr. Fox embraced the opportunity of bringing forward in the course of this session a motion for the repeal of those penal statutes, which, notwithstanding the existence of the toleration act, were still in force against those who in any manner impugned the doctrine of the TRINITY. He shewed from a specification of authentic facts, that these laws were far from being a mere dead letter; not to mention the hatred and opprobrium which they were the means of creating. Such was the wretched bigotry fostered and cherished by these laws, that a bishop of the church (Dr. HORSLEY) had not scrupled in a recent publication to declare " that unitarianism being herefy, even the moral good of the unitarians fin." Mr. Fox expressed his ardent wish to extirpate heresy by fire not indeed in the old mode of burning heretics, but by burning all those statutes which formed the code of persecution." Mr. Pitt appeared on this occasion somewhat embarrassed, and rested his oppofition chiefly on the disuse and oblivion into which the acts in question had fallen, and the dangerous alarm which might be excited by the repeal disclaiming in warm terms the principles and character of a perfecutor. Mr. Fox in re ply remarked, that he knew not how to diftinguish between a perfecutor and an advocate for penal laws in matVOL. II.

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