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dismissions and appointments, M. Roland to the interior department, M. Claviere to that of finance, and foon after M. Servan to be minister of war-men who poffefsed the entire esteem and confidence of the nation.

The categorical answer of the court of Vienna at length arrived, infisting, " I. on the restitution of the feudal rights of the German princes in Lorraine and Alface; 2. the restoration of Avignon to the Pope; and 3. upon adequate fatisfaction that the neighbouring powers shall have no reason for the apprehenfion which arose from the present weakness of the internal government of France." The first two of these propofitions being inadmiffible, and the last unintelligible, war was on the 20th of April declared against the king of Hungary.

At this crisis a very remarkable letter was written in confidence by the king of France to the king of England, doubtless by advice of his present popular ministers, expreffing in the most flattering terms his obligations to his Britannic majefty for his impartial conduct, and making the most eager advances to the formation of a treaty of amity and alliance. " Between our two countries, fays the French monarch, new connections ought to take place. I think I fee the remains of that rivalship which has done so much mischief to both, daily wearing away. It becomes two kings who have diftinguished their reigns by a constant defire to promote the happiness of their people, to connect themselves by such ties as will appear to be durable in proportion as the two nations shall have clearer views of their own interests. I confider the success of the alliance, in which I wish you to concur with as much zeal as I do, as of the highest importance. I confider it as necessary to the stability of the respective constitutions, and the internal tranquillity of our two kingdoms; and I will add, that our union ought to COMMAND PEACE to EUROPE."

VOL. II.

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It was indeed evident that at this period England might have commanded peace upon her own terms. Never did this country appear in a higher and more exalted point of view than at this moment; but from that fatality which has governed almost invariably the counsels of the present reign, she suffered the glorious golden opportunity to pafs by unnoticed and unimproved. A distant and evasive anfwer was returned; England, it was affirmed, could not mediate without the affent and approbation of both the parties-not recollecting certainly the late armed mediation in favor of the Ottoman porte. And the patriots of France faw clearly from this moment, that the utmost they had to expect from the policy of the English court was a cold and fufpicious neutrality.

On the commencement of hoftilities M. Rochambeau was conftituted commander in chief of the French armies, a feparate command being conferred on M. de Fayette. The war began with an unfuccessful attack upon the cities of Tournay and Mons. M. Rochambeau, conceiving difgust at the conduct of the war minister, refigned his command to M. Luckner, a veteran officer, by birth a foreigner, and who had acquired great reputation in the German war of 1756-being then in the service of Hanover. The new general did not disappoint the expectations of the public. On the 18th of June the important town of Courtray furrendered to the arms of France, and the example of Courtray was foon followed by Menin, Ypres, and St. Ghiflain; but on a fudden, to the aftonishment of the world, these conquests were evacuated, and the French armies retreated to their former stations in France. Marfhal Luckner subsequently declared, that in this business he acted in strict conformity to the positive orders received from the king, who by this time had again adopted violent and dangerous counsels. Into this perpetual fluctuation of fystem there enters without doubt at least as much of imbecility as of treachery. Having no clear difcernment of

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his own interest, and placing no reliance upon his own judgment, he was willing in a fituation of unparalleled difficulty to make trial of any plan that was recommended to him from any quarter. It was truly faid of him, " La derniere venue avoit presque toujours raison avec lui." At the present crisis his characteristic weakness seemed to approach the limits of abfolute infatuation.

On the 6th of June a decree passed the affembly, on the fuggeftion of the military committee, for forming a camp of twenty thousand men in the vicinity of Paris. To this the king refused his fanction. The decree against the refractory clergy, which with some variations had a fecond time paffed the assembly, was also rendered ineffectual by the royal veto; and to crown all, the king on the 12th of June announced in person to the assembly the dismiffion of the popular ministers Roland, Servan, and Claviere: and in a short time M. Dumourier also resigned his office. Previous to this event M. Roland wrote that celebrated letter to the king, which, had it not been written otherwife in the rolls of fate or providence, might have faved the monarch and the monarchy. "The fermentation is extreme, says this firm and virtuous patriot, in the various parts of the empire; it will burst upon us with a DREADFUL EXPLOSION, unless it be calmed by a well-founded confidence in your majesty's intentions: but this confidence will not be established by mere promises and protef tations-it can rest upon facts only. The French nation know their constitution can fustain itself; that government will have all necessary aid whenever your majesty, wishing well to the constitution, shall support the legiflative body by caufing their decrees to be executed, and remove every pretext for popular diffatisfaction, and every hope of the malcontents. The revolution is established in the public mind; it will be completed by the effufion of blood, if wisdom do not guard against evils which can YET be prevented. I force were recurred to, all France would rife

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with indignation; and, distracted by the horrors of a civil war, she would display that gloomy energy, the parent of virtues and of crimes, ever fatal to those who provoke it." After this fatal step, a succession of ministers, or phantoms of minifters, paffed rapidly over the stage; the general ftate of things verged towards anarchy, the pillars of the state seemed to bow, and the fabric of government tottered to its fall.

On the 20th of June an immenfe crowd assembled in the gardens of the Tuilleries, and, the gates of the palace being thrown open, the populace entered into the apartment of the king. One of their leaders, more daring than the rest, producing a red cap, the symbol of liberty, defired the king to put it on. He complied; and, in anfwer to the incessant and clamorous demands of the mob, he repeatedly declared, " that it was his firm intention to preferve the constitution inviolate." Though the insults which the unfortunate monarch was compelled to endure were grievous, no further injury was sustained, and at the approach of night the people were perfuaded to disperse. The king made a formal complaint of this outrage to the affembly; but, in the present situation of things, they could as eafily calm the storms of the ocean as the tumults of the people.

At this crisis M. de Fayette, quitted his army without leave or propriety, presented himself unexpectedly at the bar of the affembly, beseeching, or rather demanding, of them " to save their country from ruin, by diffolving the factious clubs, and inflicting exemplary punishment on the late disturbers of the public peace." By this most imprudent and unwarrantable step that general entirely loft the confidence of the nation, and incurred for this dangerous and unconstitutional interference the fevere cenfure of the affembly; and he returned in a short time full of resentment and chagrin to his poft in the army.

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On the ist of July it was proclaimed by the assembly, "that the country was in danger." "Your constitution, citizens, say they, restores the principles of eternal juftice; a league of kings is formed to destroy it-their battalions are advancing." The political horizon in France exhibited the deepest gloom. On the 14th of July the third anniversary of the revolution was celebrated, but instead of the animating shout of vive le roi! nothing was heard but the clamorous vociferations of vivent les jacobins A bas le VETO!

It was in a short time after this ceremony announced, that the combined armies of Austria and Prussia had entered France under the duke of Brunswic, who had on the 25th of July iffued a proclamation which seemed purposely calculated to complete the ruin of the king. In this famous manifesto the most dreadful vengeance is denounced against the French nation. Such of them as are found in arms against the troops of the allied powers, are threatened to be punished as REBELS to their king, and destroyers of the public tranquillity; and the city of Paris, in cafe the king, queen, and the royal family are not immediately fet at liberty, is to be delivered up to the horrors of military execution.

This filled up the meafure of the popular fury. It was not doubted but the king had authorized the use thus made of his name, and matters were almost immediately brought to a crifis. On the 3d of August M. Petion at the head of the sections of Paris appeared at the bar of the national affembly, to demand the DECHEANCE of the king. A petition of the fame tenor was presented by a countless multitude on the 6th, and the assembly had appointed the 10th of August to decide upon this grand question; but the discussion was dreadfully anticipated. Early on the morning of the 10th the palace of the Tuilleries was attacked by the Parisian populace; and being refolutely defend

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