The decree of the 19th of November filled up the measure of their iniquity in the view of the court of London; and in combination with the obnoxious addrefses, it was regarded as little less than an act of open aggreffion. Certainly the English government had juft caufe of resentment, and an undoubted right to adequate reparation. Unhappily the court of London, inflamed with indignation, fought not reparation merely, but revenge. Her meafures being now determined on, a royal proclamation was iffued December 1, 1792, announcing the alarming intelligence, " that notwithstanding the late proclamation of the 21st of May, the utmost industry was still employed by evil-difpofed persons within the kingdom, acting in concert with persons in foreign parts, with a view to fubvert the laws and conftitution, and that a spirit of tumult and diforder, thereby excited, had lately shewn itself in acts of riot and INSURRECTION-and that, these causes moving him thereto, his majesty had refolved forthwith to embody part of the militia of the kingdom."

On the fame day another proclamation was issued for convening the parliament (which stood prorogued to the 3d of January 1793) on the 13th of December; the law requiring, that if the militia be drawn out during the recess of parliament, and this it can only be in case of invafion or actual insurrection, parliament shall be affembled within the space of fourteen days.

The public alarm caused by these proceedings was inexpressible. Every one was convinced of the existence of a PLOT, which was so much the more terrible, from its being invisible and incomprehenfible. The minister did not disdain to heighten the general consternation by the palpable artifices of marching troops to the metropolis, of doubling the guard at the bank, and of repairing the fortifications of the tower.

On the meeting of parliament on the day appointed, the expressions of the first proclamation were repeated in

his

his majesty's speech; towards the conclusion of which the real views of the court became fufficiently manifesta " I have, faid his majesty, carefully observed a strict neutrality in the present war on the continent, and have uniformly abstained from any interference with respect to the internal government of France; but it is impoffible for me to fee without the most serious uneasiness the strong and increasing indications which have appeared there, of an intention to excite disturbances in other countries, to disregard the rights of neutral nations, and pursue views of conquest and aggrandizement, as well as to adopt towards my allies the states general measures which were neither conformable to the law of nations nor to the positive ftipulations of existing treaties. Under these circumstances his majesty thought it right to have recourse to those means of prevention and internal defence with which he was intrusted by law, and to make fome aug mentation of his naval and military force."

On moving the address in answer to the speech, a memorable debate arose. Never did the strength and superiority of Mr. Fox's genius appear perhaps so confpicuous as in this moment of national infatuation. "This," faid Mr. Fox, " is the most momentous crisis, not only that I have ever known, but that I have ever read of in the history of this country a crisfis not merely interesting to ourselves, but to all nations; and on the conduct of parli ament depends the fate of the British constitution-perhaps the future happiness of mankind. His majesty's speech contains a variety of assertions of the most extraordinary nature. We are told there exists at this moment an insurrection in this kingdom. - An INSURRECTION!where is it? where has it reared its head? Although this insurrection has existed fourteen days, ministers have given us no light whatever, no clue, no information where to find it. There have been, as I understand, and as every one must have heard, some flight riots in different parts; VOL. II. but

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but I ask, Were the various pretexts of these different tu mults false, and used only to cover an attempt to destroy our happy constitution? I have heard of a tumult at Shields, of another at Leith, of fomething of the fame nature at Yarmouth and Dundee. But were the failors who demanded an increase of their wages actuated by a design of overthrowing the constitution? Is there a man in England who is credulous enough to believe it ? -The address now moved says modestly, We are forry to hear there is an insurrection.' Of the tumults in the seaports we had fome previous knowledge, but the insurrection we learn from his majesty's speech. It has been alledged as a proof of disaffection, that the countenances of many wore the face of joy when the intelligence arrived of the duke of Brunswic's retreat. What! is it a sufficient domonstra. tion of republicanism, that men should rejoice in the dif comfiture of the armies of despotifm combating against liberty? Could any man who loves the constitution of this country wish success to the duke of Brunswic, after reading a manifesto which violated every principle of justice, humanity, freedom, and true government? Who will dare to defend that system of tyranny and coercion, which infists that Englishmen shall not indulge any genuine feelings of their own-which tells them that they must not think but by permiffion-that they must rejoice and grieve as it suits the caprice or the pleasure of the ministers? Are we to arraign a man for his secret and fuppofed designs, and arrogate to ourselves at once the province and the power of the deity? - What innocence can be fafe from this more than inquifitorial oppreffion? -Doubtless there are speculative perfons in this country who disapprove of the system of our government: and there must be fuch men as long as the land is free, for it is of the very effence of freedom for men to differ upon speculative points. From the instant that opinion shall be held dependent up

on

on the will of the minister or the magistrate, I date the extinction of our liberties as a people."

In paffing to that part of the king's speech which related to France, Mr. Fox afferted " that there never was a period when this country had fo much reason to wish for peace. Never was there a period less favorable to a system of hostility. How frequently have wars been prevented by negotiation! Why then disdain to negotiate now?-Because we had no minister at Paris. And why have we no minister ? - Because France is a republic. For this punctilio then it is that the blood and treasure of the kingdom are to be expended!-As to the free navigation of the Scheldt, I will not believe that a war can in reality be undertaken for an object so trivial, or that Holland itself would defire or approve it. What was the conduct of France under her former depraved government, when the emperor menaced the opening of the Scheldt in 1786? Was war declared in order to prevent it? No? they opened a negotiation, and carried the point by amicable interposition. Is not the ultimate object of republicans and levellers aided by plunging the nation in a war without due and previous enquiry? I conjure parliament to avoid involving the people in so dreadful a calamity, without coolly -reflecting on its neceffity."

Mr. Fox concluded with moving an amendment, finply pledging the house " that enquiry should be made into the facts stated in his majesty's speech." After a debate of many hours, the house divided for the amendment 50, against it 290!

In the house of lords the address was carried without a division; but not without a powerful opposition from the duke of Norfolk, and the lords Lansdowne, Rawdon, and Stanhope.

In confequence of the late alarms, the oppofition, or whig party, had, as it now appeared, suffered a great and melancholy defection. At the head of the feceders in the upper

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upper house, were the prince of Wales, the duke of Portland, and lords Fitzwilliam, Spencer, and LOUGHBOROUGH, who on the resignation of lords Thurlow at this period was advanced to the chancellorship; and in the lower house, Mr. Burke, Mr. Windham, fir Gilbert Elliot, Mr. Anstruther, &c. who acquired by this means the popular appellation of ALARMISTS. On the bringing up the report, on the fucceeding day, the debate was resumed with fresh vehemence. Mr. Fox most severely cenfured the ministers for not having interpofed the mediation of Great Britain, in order to preserve the peace of Europe. Had we protested against the project concerted at Pilnitz, and armed to prevent the execution of it, England must have acquired fuch an afcendency in the councils of France as would have completely obviated all the subsequent causes of diffatisfaction. "If," faid Mr. Fox, " there exists a discontented or disaffected party in the kingdom, what can so much add to their numbers, or their influence, as a war, which, by increasing the public burdens till they become intolerable, will give proportionable weight to their complaints? He wished therefore that war should be avoided, if poffible-that negotiation should precede hoftility. He was fully aware of the arrogant notions of ministers, who perhaps would not condescend to receive a minifter from the French republic. If this were the cafe, let minifters fairly avow it that the people of England might know how far the essential interests of the nation were fa. crificed to a punctilio. Gentlemen should recollect that it was once fashionable to talk of a vagrant congrefs,' of one Handcock' and 'one Adams' and their crew.' But furely the folly of this language had been fufficiently proved." He then moved an amendment, " beseeching his majesty to employ every means of honourable negotiation, for the purpose of preventing a war with France." The motion was opposed by Mr. Burke in a frantic speech, in which he affirmed, "that to send an ambassador to France would