would be the prelude to the murder of our fovereign." Mr. Pitt was at this time not a member of the house, having vacated his feat by the acceptance of the lucrative finecure of the cinque ports, void by the death of the earl of Guildford, once fo famous under the title of lord North.

In the abfence of the minister, Mr. secretary Dundas entered into a long and elaborate vindication of the meafures of administration; and he concluded with a confident prediction, that " if we were forced into a war, it MUST prove SUCCESSFUL and GLORIOUS." The amendment was negatived without a division.

Not difcouraged at the ill fuccess of these attempts, Mr. Fox on the 15th of December moved, at the close of a speech which only ferved to demonftrate how incompetent are the utmost efforts of human wisdom to work conviction in minds diftempered by prejudice and paffion, "that a minifter be sent to Paris to treat with those persons who exercife provifionally the executive government of France. "This," he said, " implied neither approbation nor difapprobation of the conduct of the exifting French government. It was the policy and the practice of every nation to treat with the exifting government of every other nation with which it had relative interests without enquiring how that government was conftituted, or by what means it acquired poffeffion of power. Was the existing government of Morocco more respectable than that of France? Yet we had more than once fent embaffies thither, to men reeking from the blood through which they had waded to their thrones. We had ministers at the German courts, at the time of the infamous partition of Poland. We had a minifter at Versailles when Corsica was bought and enflaved. But in none of these instances was any fanction given directly or indirectly by Great Britain to these nefarious transactions."

Mr. Francis, in a very excellent speech, remonstrated and protested against the manner in which the debate had been been conducted on the part of the ministerialists. "How," said he, " has this awful question been agitated? By appeals to our understanding? No-by exciting our paffions, by agitating our feelings, by presenting perpetually to our imagination scenes of horror. Thus do the house in fact deprive themselves of all capacity to debate-of all power to judge. They listen with rapture to invectives, and echo them back in shouts and clamors: Is this a British house of commons? or am I suddenly transplanted by fome enchantment into that convention against which the perpetual theme of reproach is, that they deliberate in paffion, and refolve by acclamation ?"

In answer to the abfurd and puerile objection, that, if we agreed to a negotiation, we should not know with whom to negotiate, Mr. Whitbread asked with energetic animation, " if we knew with whom we were going to make war? If there was no difficulty in deciding upon that point, how could we pretend to be at a loss to know with whom we were to make peace? Doubtless with that affembly, truly described by his majesty as exercising the pow. ers of government in France."

Mr. Courtenay animadverted with poignant feverity upon the rhapsodical extravagancies which had fallen from Mr. Burke, and he read to the house a passage from the famous pamphlet published by him, which he faid he confidered as the prelude to the duke of Brunswic's disgraceful manifefto. Mr. Courtenay faid, that "Mr. Burke was the dupe of his imagination. His imagination was a magic lanthorn, presenting a rapid and exhauftless succeffion of phantafms. There were chivalry-the duke of Brunfwick-Petion faction-national convention-king of Armenia-fenate of Rome -- Marat-affaffinations-Corinthian capitals-Tom Paine-and many other things, making a complete raree-show, for the entertainment of the ad. mirers of that gentleman. Mr. Courtenay acknowledged that he had never felt so much pleasure, as when the Prufe fians

fians, who had entered France not as foldiers but as ruffians, had been driven back in shame and confufion. He had participated in the triumph when M. Dumourier made his joyeuse entrée into Brabant."

Mr. Windham had laid it down as an axiom of policy, " that to be justified in negotiating with France, it should be a matter of neceffity, not of choice."

"Happy, dignified opportunity to treat!" exclaimed Mr. Sheridan, " when neceffity, a neceffity arising from defeat and discomfiture, from shame and disgrace, shall compel us to negotiate on terms which would leave us completely at their mercy! How confolatory, to be able to boaft that we are at the fame time justified and UNDONE! -But we are told," continued Mr. Sheridan, " that to treat with France would give offence to the allied powers, with whom we are eventually to co-operate. Are we then prepared to make a common cause on the principles and for the purposes for which those despots have afsociated? Are the freemen of England ready to subscribe to the manifesto of the duke of Brunswic? that detestable outrage on the rights and feelings of human nature! that impotent and wretched tissue of pride, folly and cruelty, which had steeled the heart and maddened the brain of all France! The question is not merely, whether we should go to war or not? but on what principle should it be conducted, and to what end directed? To restore the antient despotism of France? Impossible! Disputes and causes of complaint existing, how were they to be terminated, but by fome fort of negotiation? But we were told, that the dignity of the nation forbad a public and avowed communication with the present ruling powers in France. Was the dignity of the nation better consulted by the mean fubterfuge of an indirect and underhand intercourse? Was it facrificed by a magnanimous frankness, and sustained only by dark and infidious disguise? Far from recalling the ame baffador of England from Paris at the late perilous crisis, a fatesman-like administration would have regarded the post

of

of minister of Paris, as the situation which demanded the first and ablest talents of the country. It was a fituation which afforded scope and interest for the noblest mind that ever warmed a human bofom. The French had been uniformly partial, and even prejudiced, in favor of the English. What manly sense, and generous feeling, and above all, what fair truth and plain dealing migh, have effected, it was difficult to calculate. But the policy which difcarded these, and which substituted in their stead a HOLLOW NEUTRALITY, was an error fatal in its consquences, and for ever to be lamented." The motion was in the end negatived without a divifion.

Mr. Grey, Mr. Erskine, and Mr. Adam distinguished themselves in the course of these debates by very able and eloquent speeches on the part of the opposition. And the defertion of their friends, far from difpiriting the faithful few who remained, feemed to animate them to still higher and more, ardent exertions of patriotic zeal. The popular odium incurred by the leaders of opposition. and in particular by Mr. Fox, in consequence of their generous endeavours to rescue their country from the gulf of ruin into which it was with such blind and rash precipitancy about to plunge, will appear to posterity scarcely credible. Neither profeffing a contempt for the public judgment, nor on the other hand yielding for a moment to the tide ' of popular opinion, Mr. Fox published at this period a very animated and dignified address to his constituents, the electors of Westminster, stating, with admirable force and perfpicuity of argument, his reasons for his late parliamentary conduct. The conclusion of this justly celebrated address is peculiarly striking. "Let us not," fays he "attempt to deceive ourselves. Whatever poffibility, or even probability there may be of a counter-revolution from internal agitation and difcord, the means of producing fuch an event by external force can be no other than the conquest of France. -The CONQUEST of FRANCE! O calumO calumniated crusaders, how rational and moderate were your objects! O much injured Louis XIV. upon what flight grounds have you been accused of restless and immoderate ambition! O tame and feeble Cervantes, with what a timid pencil and faint colors have you painted the portrait of a disordered imagination !"

Although the determination of the English court was from the first sufficiently manifest, the government of France left no means unessayed to accomplish an accommodation.

On the 17th of December a memorial was presented by M. Chauvelin to lord Grenville, in which he informs his lordship, that the executive council of the French republic, thinking it a duty which they owe to the French nation, not to leave it in the state of suspense into which it has been thrown by the late measures of the British government, have authorized him to demand with openness, whether France ought to confider England as a neutral or hoftile power; at the fame time being folicitous, that not the smallest doubt should exist respecting the disposition of France towards England, and of its defire to remain in peace. In allusion to the decree of the 19th of November, M. Chauvelin says, " that the French nation absolutely reject the idea of that false interpretation, by which it might be supposed that the French republic should favor insurrections, or excite disturbance in any neutral or friendly country whatever. In particular, they declare in the most folemn manner, that France will not attack Holland so long as that power adheres to the principles of her neutrality. As to the navigation of the Scheldt, M. Chauvelin affirms it to be a question of too little importance to be made the fole cause of a war; and that it could only be used as a pretext for a premeditated aggreffion. On this fatal supposition, he says, the French nation will accept war: but SUCH a war would be the war not of the British nation, but of the British ministry, against

the