and which left no hope or profpect of punishing him for the enormity of his crimes. Influence so employed his lordship declared to be a curse far greater, and more to be deprecated, than pestilence or famine. The present motion, the noble earl observed, was not of a nature novel to parliament; in former times, particularly in the years 1702, 1703, and 1717, there had been commiffioners of accounts appointed by act of parliament. The object of the propofition now before the house was of a nature exactly similar, and it went to the abolition of all offices, whatever their salaries or appointments, that answered no other end but that of increasing the undue and unconstitutional influence of the crown." In support of the motion, the duke of Grafton declared, " that from his own knowledge and immediate observation, he could affert with confidence that the spirit of discontent and dissatisfaction was almost universally gone forth, and that the petitions recently presented expressed the genuine sense of the peo ple." On the other hand, lord Chesterfield, a young man not AS YET distinguished by the eminence either of his knowledge or talents, and who had lately taken hiş feat in the house on the decease of his illustrious relation, the famous earl of Chesterfield, affirmed, with fingular temerity, that " the majority of the people were well contented under the present government, and that the county petitions and affociations were the last struggles of an EXPIRING FACTION." The lords Stormont, Manffield, and the lord chancellor, maintained with far more plausibility, " that the present motion was a violation of the inherent exclusive privilege of the other house to controul the public expenditure, which no composition, compromife, or compact, would induce them to part with. They insisted that the motion was brought forward to embarrass government, and to throw an odium upon his majefty's confidential advisers; and that the petitions with which the motion was connected were filled with absurd

and

and impracticable notions of public reform, and specious theories calculated to mislead the nation, and to introduce universal confufion." The marquis of Rockingham distinguished himself in the debate by an animated speech in defence of the motion. His lordship faid " that a system had been formed at the accession of his present majesty to govern this country under the forms of law, but in reality through the immediate influence of the crown. This was the origin of all our national misfortunes; the measures of the present reign wore every internal and external evidence of that dangerous and alarming origin; and, when combined, they presented such a system of corruption, venality, and defpotism, as had never perhaps been known under any form of free and limited government. This system he had for seventeen years uniformly and vigoroufly opposed, and particularly during the short time he had prefided at the head of the treasury, but to very little purpose. As he had come into office at his majesty's defire, so he had quitted it in obedience to his authority. His lordship implored the ministry not to persist in that blind and hitherto invincible spirit of obstinacy, which had brought the nation into its present calamitous situation, but to pay some attention to the voice of the people, and the interests of their country." On the division the numbers were, NON CONTENTS 101, CONTENTS 55, five-and-thirty of whom entered their protest on the Journals. This was the largest minority that had for many years been known in the house of peers in oppofition to the court; and, exclusive of place men, penfioners, and bishops, this expiring faction constituted a clear and decisive majority of the lords present at this interesting discussion.

On the 6th of April the house of commons resolved itself, on the motion of Mr. Dunning, into a grand committee, in order to take the petitions of the people into confideration, and on this occasion a most extraordinary

and

and memorable debate arose. "The first object, Mr. Dunning faid, which he meant to submit to the house, was a proposition collected from the several petitions, which, if agreed to, would establish the grounds of their prayer for redress. His second propofition should include the means of that redress. Should the house concur in his propositions, he meant to follow them up with real, substantial, and practicable measures. But, should they diffent from them, or endeavour to evade or procrastinate, there would be at once an end of the petitions and a full answer to the petitioners. His first motion was, that it should be refolved by this house, " that the INFLUENCE of the CROWN had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished." This motion was, by a fingular fortane, warmly supported by the speaker of the house, who, though rarely accustomed to take part in their debates, declared, " that, on an occafion like the present, he should deem himself criminal in remaining filent; the resolution proposed contained an allegation which was too notorious to require proof which in its full extent did not admit of proof. It could be known only to the members of that house, as they were the only persons competent to resolve it; they were bound as jurors by the conviction arifing in their own minds, and were obliged to determine accordingly. The powers constitutionally vested in the executive part of the government were, he said, amply fufficient for all the purposes of good government, but its undue influence had increased to a degree absolutely incompatible with every just idea of a limited monarchy. What the petitioners demanded should have originated within those walls; they were fitting as the representatives of the people, folely for their advantage and benefit, and were pledged to them for the faithful discharge of their truft." Notwithstanding the determined oppofition of the minister and of the courtiers in general, particularly of the lord advocate of Scotland, Henry Dundas, who

! :

who moved, as an amendment, to prefix the words, " it is now neceffary to declare," it appeared on the divifion, which took place at midnight, on the amended resolution, that the numbers were in favour of the motion two hundred and thirty-three, against it two hundred and fifteen; fo that the court was left in a minority of eighteen. Mr. Dunning then moved, " that it was competent to that house to examine into and to correct abuses in the expenditure of the civil list, as well as in every other branch of the public revenue, whenever it shall seem expedient to the house to do so." This was again opposed by lord North, who, in the strongest terms, expressed his wishes that the committee would not proceed. The motion was nevertheless agreed to by the house. Mr. Thomas Pitt then moved, " that it was the duty of that house to provide, as far as might be, an immediate and effectual redress of the abuses complained of in the petitions presented to the house from the different countries, cities, and towns, in this kingdom." The minister once more earnestly implored the committee to desist, but with no effect; the motion was agreed to. It was lastly moved by Mr. Fox, "that the resolutions should be immediately reported to the house;" which was deprecated and protested against by lord North, as violent, arbitrary, and contrary to the established usage of parliament. The motion, however, was carried, and the chairman reporting the resolutions accordingly, they were severally agreed to by the house.

On the 10th of April, the committee being refumed, Mr. Dunning congratulated the house upon the late decisions, which he however said could avail little unless the house proceeded effectually to remedy the grievances complained of by the people. The alarming and increasing influence of the crown being now admitted by a folemn decifion of that house, it was incumbent upon them to go from generals to particulars. With a view therefore of extirpating that corrupt influence, he should move, " that there there be laid before the house every session, within seven days after the meeting of parliament, an account of all monies paid out of the civil revenue to, or for the use of, or in trust for, any member of parliament fince the last recefs." This was objected to by lord North, the lord advocate of Scotland, the attorney general Wedderburne, &c. but was carried without a division. Mr. Dunning then moved, " that the perfons holding the offices of treafurer of the chamber, treasurer of the household, cofferer of the household, comptroller of the household, mafter of the household, clerks of the green cloth, and their deputies, should be rendered incapable of a feat in that house." This was again opposed, and by the fame perfons as before; but on a division was carried by a majority of two hundred and fifteen to two hundred and thirteen voices. So far the patriotic part in parliament had triumphantly proceeded, to the infinite joy of the disinterefted and independent party of the public, when the sudden illness of the speaker obliged the house to adjourn to the 24th of April; on which day, the committee being refumed, Mr. Dunning moved for an address, " that his majesty would be pleased not to diffolve the parliament or prorogue the present session until the objects of the petitions were answered." When the house, after a vehement debate, came to a divifion on this important question, it was at once discovered that the unfortunate illness of the fpeaker," " whose health was never better worth than " now." had infected " the very life-blood of their en"terprise;" the motion being rejected by a majority of 254 to 203.

During the recess, a sudden and fatal change had taken place in the temper and disposition of the house, and that influence of the crown which the parliament had determined ought to be diminished, was, as it now appeared, too firmly established to be in danger of diminution. Mr. Fox rofe after the division, and in the most poignant language