CHAPTER XLVIII.

Revolutionary Government of the United States.

In the war of the Revolution, thirteen colonies united. Let us look at the means by which that union was sustained during a period of eight years, and in a severe and trying conflict: or, in other words, let us see what was that government under which the colonies carried on the revolutionary struggle to a successful issue.

In 1774, Massachusetts recommended the assembling of a continental Congress at Philadelphia, to consist of delegates from all the colonies, to deliberate upon the common good, and to devise suitable plans of operation for the exigency of the times.

Delegates were accordingly chosen in the various colonies, some by the legislatures and some by conventions of the people. These delegates met at Philadelphia on the 20th September, 1774, and, constituting the first great national Congress, furnished an example which afterwards resulted in our federal government.

This body proceeded to adopt certain rules, one of the most important of which was, that each colony should have but one vote, and this rule was observed throughout the revolution. The delegates adopted such measures as they deemed necessary, and recommended another Congress. This assembled in May, 1775, and resolving upon war, adopted the famous Declaration of Independence* on the 4th of July, 1776. This declaration was unanimously accepted by the American people,

*See this admirable document, in the Appendix of this work.

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and thenceforward, separation from the government of Great Britain, and national independence, were the open and avowed objects of the revolutionary struggle. To carry out this plan, Congress recommended it to the several colonies to organize state governments, which was accordingly done, and from this time the delegates to Congress were appointed by the state legislatures.

The continental Congress, thus organized by a voluntary union of the states, and delegates being successively appointed from time to time, continued to be the government of the nation until near the close of the war, when certain articles of confederation were adopted. During this period, they assumed and exercised all necessary powers, acting indeed without limit or restraint. There was then no constitution to define their powers. They made war and peace; raised armies and equipped navies; formed treaties and alliances; contracted debts, and exercised all the high functions of government.

It must be admitted that this Congress therefore possessed and exercised an arbitrary and despotic power; but it must be considered, that it was a revolutionary government, entrusted with the management of affairs during an emergency; and farther, that the acts of this government were sustained by the people.

It was obvious, however, that this arrangement was only temporary, for as soon as one of the states should withdraw, the union would be dissolved. After providing for the exigencies of the war, Congress, therefore, directed their attention to the formation of a system, which should give permanency to a union of the states.

CHAPTER XLIX.

The Confederation.

AFTER various discussions, Congress finally agreed, in Nov. 1777, upon certain Articles of Confederation, which were sent to the states for their consideration. Various delays and objections arose, and it was not till March, 1781, that Maryland, the last state, gave her assent.

Scarcely had these articles of confederation been adopted, before the defects of the system were discovered. Among the most formidable was this, that while Congress had power to adopt various measures, it had no effectual means of earrying them into effect.

An eminent statesman thus expressed himself on this subject: "Congress may make and conclude treaties, but can only recommend the observance of them; they may appoint ambassadors, but they cannot defray their expenses. They may borrow money, but they cannot pay a dollar. They may coin money, but they cannot import an ounce of bullion. They may make war, and determine what number of troops are necessary, but they cannot raise a single soldier. In short, they may declare everything, but can do nothing."

Thus it seems that Congress had no power to compel the states to an observance of their acts. The states might obey or disobey, as they pleased; and, in point of fact, many of the acts of Congress under the confederation, were totally unobserved.

Nor had Congress any power to punish individuals for any breach of their laws; nor could they

lay taxes, nor collect revenue; nor could they regulate commerce; and, consequently, the most opposite systems of trade with foreign countries existed in the different states.

These and other evils became so apparent, that the necessity of change was obvious to all: yet it was with great difficulty that the states could be induced to adopt the necessary means for an adequate remedy. [See Appendix.]

CHAPTER L.

Origin of the Constitution.

IN 1786, the legislature of Virginia recommended a convention of commissioners from all the states, to take into consideration the state of trade. In compliance with this suggestion, commissioners from five states met at Annapolis, in Maryland, in September, 1784. These adopted a report, recommending it to Congress to call a convention of delegates from all the states, at Philadelphia, in May, 1787.

Congress adopted this recommendation, and a convention was held accordingly, all the states, except Rhode Island, sending delegates to this body. On the 17th September, 1787, the present Constitution of the United States was adopted and sent forth to the people for their consideration. It was ratified by all the states except North Carolina and Rhode Island, and went into operation in 1789.

North Carolina adopted the Constitution in 1789, and Rhode Island in 1790. Thus all the thirteen

states became parties to the Union : and the other thirteen have since voluntarily come into the compact. It now becomes a matter of interest and duty, with every American citizen, to study this instrument carefully, that he may fully and clearly understand that national government, to which he looks for the security of many of his dearest rights.

CHAPTER LI.

Preliminary Remarks on the Constitution. BEFORE we proceed further, it may be well to apprize the young reader of the complicated nature of our government. In Great Britain, France, &c., the system is simple, and easily understood. The laws of the British Parliament operate over the whole of England, Ireland and Scotland, and there is no interfering power to check or limit their force. The laws of the French legislature, in like manner, operate over the whole of France.

But here we have twenty-six states, each being a separate and complete republic, with all the machinery of government within itself. The Constitution of the United States is therefore only a contract or agreement between these states, in which it is stipulated that they all give up to the national government certain rights and powers, as set forth in that instrument. All rights and powers not expressly granted to the national government, are reserved to the states.

The chief powers granted to the national government, are the making of war and peace; regulating commerce; coining moneys; establishing post-offices; imposing taxes, and laying duties