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urgent, so much the more readily did those devoted heroes undertake the task, hastening the despatch of the business, to which they were stimulated by their faith.”—This narrative amounts to a full contradiction of the other as regards the interference of the Pope, or Palladius. Baronius endeavours to reconcile the statements by supposing that Celestine might have entrusted the affair to the Gallican synod, and approved of their choice. But the haste with which, according to Constantius, the business was transacted will allow of no such supposition. Besides which, Baronius ought to have known that at that time the Pope and the Gallican Church were at variance. The latter were charged with Semi-Pelagianism, and Celestine was not likely to trust the suppression of Pelagianism to those persons whom he himself accused of an approximation to it. It would appear that when Prosper found that the mission of Germanus and Lupus had been attended with unwonted success, he wished to claim a share of the credit for his friend, the Pope ; for he was himself also one of the greatest opponents of the Semi-Pelagians, and perhaps the reason why he omits the name of Lupus is because that person was brother to Vincentius Lirinensis, who was a distinguished leader of the adverse party.

Stress is laid upon these particulars because Prosper would insinuate that Britain was brought under the Papal jurisdiction; but, unfortunately for his pious fraud, the clearest proofs of British independence appear after his time. The historian Bede, who was a zealous Catholic, gives an account of this transaction in nearly the same words as Constantius. In the latter writer may also be found an inflated account of

ior apparebat, tanto eam promptius heroes devotissimi susceperunt, celeritatem negotii fidei stimulis maturantes.”—De Brit. Eccl. Primordiis, Cap. XI.

* Usher de Primordiis, Cap. XI. and XII. Hughes's Horæ Britannicæ, Vol. II. Cap. VII.

the zeal, and success of the preaching of Germanus and Lupus until the Pelagians were triumphantly vanquished at a general conference, supposed to have been held at Verulam. Then follows the discovery of the relicks of St. Alban, and a description of a mass of earth still reeking with his blood, which Germanus carried away to Gaul. The next occurrence is the miraculous victory obtained by the Britons, under Germanus, over the Saxons and Picts, by suddenly shouting the word "Alleluia,” upon which the enemy fled in great consternation. It seems strange that Constantius should describe such miracles within fifty years after the death of the Saint, but this was the age of religious imposture, and stories could be related at Lyons, with perfect safety, of events which took place in an obscure corner of Britain. It does not appear that any of these tales are to be found in Welsh MSS. and it was the occurrence of the name of “Maesgarmon,

»* in the parish of Mold, Flintshire, that led Archbishop Usher to fix upon that spot for the "Alleluiatic Victory.” That a battle was fought there, under circumstances which were afterwards improved into a miracle, is not improbable; and there are names of places in that neighbourhood, which show that the district has, for some reason or other, been tenacious of the memory of the Saint. The alliance of the Saxons and Pictst about a score of years before the landing of Hengist, is possibly a mistake, into which Constantius was led for want of the means of accurate information.

The mission of St. Germanus, or as he is called by the Welsh, Garmon, may have lasted about two or three years, and, according to Constantius, he visited Britain a second time, upon which occasion he was accompanied by Severus, Bishop of Triers. Archbishop Usher calculates that the second mission was performed A. D. 447, and that it was of short continuance. On the other hand, the Welsh authorities would imply that he visited this country but once, which was

* “ The field of Germanus.” + Qu. Gwyddyl Ffichti?

about the time of the last date,* when he was accompanied by Lupus, for they make no mention whatever of Severus. Partiality for national traditions must give way in a point in which Constantius could not easily have been mistaken; besides which, there is an incongruity in the Welsh accounts themselves which ought to be rectified. The following is extracted from Achau y Saint, as translated in the Horæ Britannicæ. (Vol. II. page 161.)

“Garmon was a Saint and a bishop, the son of Ridigius from the land of Gallia ; and it was in the time of Constantine of Armorica that he came there; and continued here to the time of Vortigern; and then he returned back to France where he died. He formed two choirs of saints, and placed bishops and divines in them, that they might teach the Christian faith to the nation of the Cymry, where they were become degenerate in the faith. One choir he formed in Llan Carvan, where Dyfric (Dubricius) the Saint was the principal, and he himself was bishop there. The other was near Caer Worgorn,t where he appointed Iltutus to be principal; and Lupus (called Bleiddan) was the chief bishop there. After which he placed bishops in Llandaff; he constituted Dubricius archbishop there; and Cadoc, the Saint, the son of Gwynlliw, took his place in the choir at Llancarvan, and the archbishop of Llandaff was bishop there also.” Now it happens that another note in Achau


says that the College of Caerworgorn was founded by Cystennyn Fendigaid, and soon afterwards destroyed by the Irish. At that time its principal was Padrig. It might be said that Germanus restored the foundation in A. D. 447, when he ap

* “Garmon ap Redgitus o Ffrainc i'r henyw, ac yn amser Gwrtheyr Gwrthenau i doeth i'r ynys hon.”—Myv. Archaiology, Vol. II. p. 43.

+ Llancarvan and Caerworgorn, the latter of which is now known by the name of Llanilltyd or Lantwit, are both in Glamorganshire.

I“ College”- jo the word Bangor-the Welsh term for the monastic institutions of the fifth and sixth centuries, is generally rendered.

pointed Iltutus to be its principal. But the genealogies show that Iltutus must have been at that time too young for the office, since about eighty years afterwards he is known to have fourished in the court of Arthur, and in his younger days he was not an ecclesiastic but a soldier. The relationship in which he stood to Germanus was that of sister's grandson, as will appear from the following scale.

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It does not follow that these generations should be necessarily parallel, but the Chronicles and Triads state that Arthur, Hywel, and Iltutus or Illtyd were contemporary; and if it be said that Iltutus was appointed by St. Germanus in his first visit, the inconsistency will appear more glaring.* But while all other accounts agree that Iltutus was the first principal of the College which afterwards bore his name, the Book of Llandaff decides the question by saying that he received his appointment from St. Dubriciust who lived in an age succeeding that of Germanus. If the foregoing extract be compared with the narration of Constantius, its incongruities increase. Lupus did not accompany Germanus the second time, and therefore could not have been Bishop of Caerworgorn. The same note

The anachronism did not escape the acuteness of Archbishop Usher“Iltutus S. Germani fuisse discipulum, et in Vincentii Speculo Historiali, et in Landavensium Regesto legimus; licet id ægre temporum ratio patiatur.” Cap. XIII.

+“A Dubri Landavensi episcopo in loco, qui ab illo Lan-iltut, id est Ecclesiæ Iltuti accepit nomen, est constitutus.” Usher, from the Re. gestum Landavense.

implies that Germanus lived to remove Dubricius to Llandaff, and place Cadog or Cattwg in his room; but Archbishop Usher puts an end to this idea, by showing that Germanus returned to Gaul, and died in the second year of his last mission. That Dubricius received any appointment from St. Germanus, except perhaps the bishoprick of Llandaff, is questionable ; and, by the order of time, it would appear that the connexion of Germanus and Lupus with the institutions of Caerworgorn and Llancarvan was altogether apocryphal.

Authorities are not wanting to show that Germanus was the founder of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, but they are not worthy of a serious refutation, and even the credulous Constantius does not make mention of any schools founded at this time in Britain. That Germanus made regulations for the stability of the British Church is very probable; and if credit be given to an anonymous treatise which Usher says was written in the eighth century, he introduced the Gallic liturgy into this country. It is certain, however, that his visit was the commencement of a frequent intercourse which subsisted for some time afterwards between the Cambrian and Armorican Churches; and it was by no means unlikely that the one Church should adopt some of the regulations of the other.

In the Welsh accounts Garmon or St. Germanus is called the son of Rhedyw, Rhedygus, Ridicus, or Redgitus; and notwithstanding the variety of names in different MSS. there can be little doubt that the same person is intended.* It is further stated that he was a native of Armorica; and as proofs remain that his countrymen spoke the same language as the Britons, he may have derived from that circumstance one of the qualifications which fitted him for his mission. His sister is said to have been the mother of Emyr Llydaw, an Armorican prince; but as Usher does not quote this relationship

From other authorities it appears that the correct name was Rusticus.

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