VOL. XXII.

No. 4.

Besides the elaborate and carefully Mr. McKinley's Review of the prepared speeches that the PresiSituation. dential candidates make upon the oc. casion of their formal notification, it has been the custom for them at a subsequent date to issue a still more elaborate statement in the form of a public letter, expounding their respective party platforms and reviewing the questions at issue in the campaign. Mr. McKinley's letter was dated September 8, and published in the newspapers of Monday, the 10th. It was immediately accepted by all Republican authorities as the most telling document that had thus far appeared since the holding of the great conventions. It was prepared in such a way as to be especially available for use as campaign literature;" and the Republican

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National Committee will, doubtless, before the middle of October, have distributed millions of copies of it. Mr. McKinley begins by calling detailed attention to the demands of the three parties that are supporting Mr. Bryan for the immediate opening of the mints to the free coinage of silver He pledges the Republican party to the unequivocal maintenance of the gold standard. He sets forth, in a statistical way, what he regards as a flattering condition of the national treasury and the public finances, and dwells upon the marvelous expansion of our foreign trade and the unprecedented general prosperity of the country. He notes the fact that we are now redeeming, with a bond bearing 2 per cent. interest, the bonds that in Mr. Cleveland's administration were bearing as high as 5 per cent. interest. Whereas Congress authorized a war loan of $400,000,000 at the beginning of the war with Spain, it proved necessary to issue only $200,000,000. Mr. McKinley thinks that it will be feasible for Congress, at its next session, to reduce taxation very materially.

Certain Business

He discusses the question of our merchant marine, declaring that 91 per Questions. cent. of our exports and imports are now carried in foreign ships; and he asserts that we ought to own the ships for our carrying trade with the outside world, and that we ought to build them in American shipyards and man them with American sailors. In connection with this subject of transportation by water, he introduces the topic of an interoceanic canal; and, as to the political aspect of it, he says that our national policy more imperatively than ever calls for its completion and control by this Government; and it is believed that the next session of Congress, after receiving the full report of the commission appointed under the act approved March 3, 1899, will make provisions for the sure accomplishment of this great work." As respects trusts, President McKinley says that honest coöperation of capital is necessary to meet new business condi

tions and extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade; but conspiracies and combinations, intended to restrict business, create monopolies, and control prices, should be effectively restrained." He points to publicity as a helpful influence, and suggests uniformity of legislation in the several States. "Combinations of capital which control the market in commodities necessary to the general use of the people, by suppressing natural and ordinary competition, thus enhancing prices to the general consumer," he considers "obnoxious to the common law and the public welfare;" calls them dangerous conspiracies," and says they "ought to be subject to prohibitory or penal legislation." Mr. McKinley calls attention to the importance to the working-man of that general condition of prosperity which gives abundant employment and makes possible good wages; and he intimates his belief in short hours and payment in high-standard money. As to civil-service reform, he declares that the future of the merit system is safe in the hands of the Republican party. He says that this system, so

on Cuba.

Very much the greater part of Mr. The President McKinley's letter is devoted to a discussion of what has been attempted and accomplished in the islands which have come into close relations with us in consequence of the war with Spain. That which relates to Cuba is so compact a statement that we may properly quote it all. It is as follows:

We have been in possession of Cuba since the 1st of January, 1899. We have restored order and established domestic tranquillity. We have fed the starving, clothed the naked, and ministered to the sick. We have improved the sanitary condition of the island. We have stimulated industry, introduced public education, and taken a full and comprehensive enumeration of the inhabitants. The qualification of electors has been settled, and under it officers have been chosen for all the municipalities of Cuba. These local governments are now in operation, administered by the people. Our military establishment has been reduced from 43,000 soldiers to less than 6,000. An election has been ordered to be held on the 15th of September, under a fair election law already tried in the municipal elections, to choose members of a constitutional convention, and the convention by the same order is to assemble on the first Monday of November to frame a constitution upon which an independent government for the island will rest. All this is a long step in the fulfillment of our sacred guarantees to the people of Cuba.

Porto Rico.

He explains that our military force On in Porto Rico has been reduced from 11,000 to 1,500, and that native Porto Ricans constitute, for the most part, the local constabulary. He reports that there is now under the new civil government a gratifying revival of Porto Rican business. He says that a much larger measure of self-government has already been given to the Porto Ricans than was given to the inhabitants of Louisiana under Jefferson. He explains very clearly the arrangement under which Congress has, at the outset, removed 85 per cent. of the tariff duties between Porto Rico and the United States, and has provided that the remaining 15 per cent. must disappear not later than a year from next March, and as much earlier as the local finances of Porto Rico will permit. On November 5 the Porto Ricans will elect a delegate to Congress and 35 members of the House of Delegates, the lower branch of their legislature. The recent census shows that about three-fourths of the population belong to the white race.

The

We are in agreement with all of those who supported the war with Spain, and also with those who counseled the ratification of the treaty of peace. Upon these two great essential steps there can be no issue, and out of these came all of our responsibilities. If others would shirk the obligations imposed by the war and the treaty, we must decline to act further with them, and here the issue is made. It is our purpose to establish in the Philippines a government suitable to the wants and conditions of the inhabitants, and to prepare them for self-government, and to give them self-government when they are ready for it and as rapidly as they are ready for it. That I am aiming to do under my Constitutional authority, and will continue to do until Congress shall determine the political status of the inhabitants of the archipelago.

Are our opponents against the treaty? If so, they must be reminded that it could not have been ratified in the Senate but for their assistance. The Senate which ratified the treaty, and the Congress which added its sanction by a large appropriation, comprised Senators and Representatives of the people of all parties.

Would our opponents surrender to the insurgents, abandon our sovereignty or cede it to them? If that be not their purpose, then it should be promptly disclaimed, for only evil can result from the hopes raised by our opponents in the minds of the Filipinos-that with their success at the polls in November there will be a withdrawal of our army and of American sovereignty over the archipelago, the complete independence of the Tagalog people recognized, and the powers of government over all the other people of the archipelago conferred upon the Tagalog leaders.

The effect of a belief in the minds of the insurgents that this will be done has already prolonged the rebellion, and increases the necessity for the continuance of a large army. It is now delaying full peace in the archipelago, and the establishment of civil governments, and has influenced many of the insurgents against accepting the liberal terms of amnesty offered by General MacArthur, under my direction. But for these false hopes a considerable reduction could have been had in our military establishment in the Philippines, and the realization of a stable government would be already at hand.

"PERPETUITY!"

"Every one is called upon at this time to work to perpetuate this administration."-From the Verdict (New York).

Nor

there, demanded that our Government should put an end to Cuba's intolerable situation. was there anything partisan about the terms of the treaty of peace that was subsequently entered into. Everything that our Government has done, since that treaty of peace was signed, in respect to the Philippine Islands has seemed to us to have been done in good faith, on principles of which we have no reason to be ashamed, and with fair prospects of highly creditable results in the end. What is further than all this, we beg to say, with the most unqualified emphasis, that we have not the shadow of doubt that if Mr. Bryan had been elected President of the United States in 1896, instead of Mr. McKinley, he would, in his capacity as chief executive and as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, have carried on a war with Spain for the relief of Cuba, and that this war would have resulted in the annexation of all the territory that we acquired by virtue of the peace treaty at Paris. Historically speaking, the Democratic rather than the Republican party has throughout our history instinctively favored expansion and annexation; and at this moment the Democratic South, if circumstances permitted the expression of its genuine sentiment, would probably be shown to have far less misgiving about the advisability of our exercising sovereignty in the Philippines, as well as in other quarters, than the Republican North.

Mr. Shepard's Views and Criticisms.

The whole subject is being constantly confused by the failure to discriminate between self-government of the practical sort-municipal, provincial, territorial -and the exercise of sovereignty in the sense of international law. The Philippine Islands have never at any time been an independent sovereign nation; and the idea of assuming such a position had never, previous to the American conquest of Manila, been seriously contemplated ly the population of the archipelago as a deliberate aspiration. Such insurrections as had been waged against the Spanish rule were for the sake of securing certain administrative reforms. The Hon. Edward M. Shepard, a very distinguished Democrat of New York, who did not support Mr. Bryan four years ago, but who is now supporting him on the Philippine issue, contributes, at our request, an article on that subject to the present number of the REVIEW. Mr. Shepard was asked especially to answer the ques. tion what, in his judgment, Mr. Bryan could actually accomplish, in case of his election, towards a reversal of the policy of which Mr. Shepard disapproves. Our readers will find the article well worth their careful reading. It has always been our plan to welcome open discussion in our pages; and the fact that Mr. Shepard's views are diametrically opposite to those expressed by us editorially, at considerable length last month, merely lends another reason why we should give them a prominent place. Let it be added that we value the country far more highly than we do its parties and their antagonisms. When serious questions arise involving in a large way the permanent mission and history of this nation, we prefer to believe that men who hold the reins of power at Washington, regardless of

party, will do the very best they possibly can for the welfare and honor of their country; and this we believe that Mr. McKinley has done. But we believe no less firmly that if Mr. Bryan had been elected he, too, would have risen above party prejudices and fetters, and would in the emergencies of war-making and peace-making have done those things which we should have found it possible and reasonable to support. There are matters in which we are absolutely compelled to act through our accredited representatives. In the matter of our recent participation in Chinese affairs, for example, it has been only sensible to show confidence in the policy pursued by the President.

Letter.

The letter of acceptance of the DemoMr. Bryan's cratic nomination issued by Mr. Bryan appeared on September 18. He adopted a plan different from that of Mr. McKinley, and made this letter, in effect, a supplement to his famous notification speech at Indianapolis, reviewed by us last month. That speech

was devoted to the one subject of imperialism. This letter deals with the other matters presented in the Democratic platform. Mr. Bryan prefaces the document with a repetition of his avowal of 1896 that if elected, he would not be a candidate for a second term. He proceeds to discuss the question of trusts as of especial prominence. He charges the Republican party with the lack of either desire or ability to deal with the question effectively. The following quotation well expresses the spirit of Mr. Bryan's discussion of the subject of corporate monopolies :

Our platform, after suggesting certain specific remedies, pledges the party to an unceasing warfare against private monopoly in Nation, State, and city. I heartily approve of this promise; if elected, it shall be my earnest and constant endeavor to fulfill the promise in letter and spirit. I shall select an attorney-general who will, without fear or favor, enforce existing laws; I shall recommend such additional legislation as may be necessary to dissolve every private monopoly which does business outside of the State of its origin; and if, contrary to my belief and hope, a Constitutional amendment is found to be necessary, I shall recommend such an amendment as will, without impairing any of the existing rights of the States, empower Congress to protect the people of all the States from injury at the hands of individuals or corporations engaged in interState commerce.

MR. BRYAN'S SEVERE CASE OF STAGE FRIGHT. The Eastern Gold Democrat and the Western Free Silverite join in asking Mr. Bryan: "If elected, would you, Mr. Bryan, pay U. S. coin obligations with silver?"

From the Pioneer-Press (St. Paul).

ject, merely remarking that whether the Senate, now hostile to bimetallism, can be changed during this campaign or the campaign of 1902 can only be determined after the votes are counted." If this remark of Mr. Bryan's has any force or meaning at all, it can only be intended to convey the implication that the money question is solely one for Congress, and that there is nothing that a free-silver President and a free-silver Secretary of the Treasury can do if the Senate should be, to use his phrase, hostile to bimetallism." The present Secretary of the Treasury has made himself responsible for very specific declarations to the effect that Mr. Bryan, if elected President, could do a great deal to change the present monetary policy of the country without the coöperation of the Senate. The greater part of the remaining paragraphs of Mr. Bryan's letter are brief running comments

of approval upon what may be called the miscellaneous planks of the Kansas City platformsuch as the election of Senators by the people, the establishment of a Department of Labor with a Cabinet officer at its head, the construction of the Nicaragua Canal under the ownership and control of the United States Government, the admission of the Territories of Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma as States. economy in public expenditures, and the income tax-a plank in favor of which, Mr. Bryan tells us, had been agreed upon by the Committee on Resolutions at Kansas City, but was omitted from the platform by inadvertence.

Accepting the

Mr. Bryan had previously made a Populist speech at Topeka, Kan., in response Nomination. to the ceremony of notification by the Populist party. The formal speech notifying him was made by the Hon. T. M. Patterson, of Denver. In his reply, Mr. Bryan expressed warm recognition of the educational work done by the Populists, and by the farmers' alliances and labor organizations, which he regarded as associated with the Populist party. Mr. Bryan's speech was a skillful one, but cautious and reserved in a marked degree, as compared with the speeches that he made four years ago. Nothing is more striking in this campaign than Mr. Bryan's growth in conservatism, as evidenced by his complete silence on such questions as, for instance, the Populist demand for government ownership of telegraph lines and railways. The Eastern opinion that Mr. Bryan has the inclinations of a socialistic radical is a wholly mistaken one.

9.

The Vice

Mr. Stevenson, whose formal letter Presidential on the issues had not appeared as Candidate. these comments were written, was duly accepted by the Populist Executive Committee in session at Chicago on August 27 as the candidate of their party for Vice-President, in place of Mr. Charles A. Towne, of Minnesota, whom they had nominated at Sioux City on June The decision of the Populists to have neither a Presidential nor a Vice-Presidential candidate of their own in the field is regarded, by a considerable minority of their party, as a serious mistake of practical judgment. Senator Marion Butler, of North Carolina, well known as chairman of the Populist National Committee, was radically opposed to the substitution of Mr. Stevenson, not on personal grounds, but on those of party tactics. The story of Mr. Stevenson's career is set forth in this number of the REVIEW in a sketch both interesting and authoritative, by his law partner and ifelong friend, Judge James S. Ewing.