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variance. According to White, the children belong to the gens of the father, while Bourke asserts that the true clan system prevails. They married usually outside of the gens, according to White, and never relatives nearer than a second cousin. A young warrior seeking a wife would first bargain with her parents and then take a horse to her dwelling. If she viewed his suit with favor she would feed and water the horse, and, seeing that, he would come and fetch his bride, and after going on a hunt for the honeymoon they would return to his people. When he took two horses to the camp of the bride and killed one of them, it signified that her parents had given her over to him without regard to her consent. Youth was the quality most desired in a bride. After she became a mother the husband might take a second wife, and some had as many as five, two or more of them often being sisters. Married women were usually faithful and terribly jealous, so that single girls did not care to incur their rage. A woman in confinement went off to a hut by herself, attended by her women relatives. Children received their earliest names from something particularly noticeable at the time of their birth. As among the Navahos, a man never spoke to his mother-in-law, and treated his wife's father with distant respect; and his brothers were never familiar with his wife nor he with her sisters and brothers. Faithless wives were punished by whipping and cutting off a portion of the nose, after which they were cast off. Little girls were often purchased or adopted by men who kept them until they were old enough for them

to marry. Frequently girls were married when only 10 or 11 years of age. Children of both sexes had perfect freedom, were not required to obey, and never were punished. The men engaged in pastimes every day, and boys in mock combats, hurling stones at one another with slings. Young wives and maidens did only light work; the heavy tasks were performed by the older women. People met and parted without any form of salute. Kissing was unknown. Except mineral vermilion, the colors with which they painted their faces and dyed grasses for baskets were of vegetable origin-yellow from beech and willow bark, red from the cactus. They would not kill the golden eagle, but would pluck its feathers, which they prized, and for the hawk and the bear they had a superstitious regard in lesser degree. They made tizwin, an intoxicating drink, from corn, burying it until it sprouted, grinding it, and then allowing the mash diluted with water to ferment. The women carried heavy burdens on their backs, held by a strap passed over the forehead. Their basket work was impervious to water and ornamented with designs similar to those of the Pima, except that human figures frequently entered into the decorative motive. Baskets 212 feet in length and 18 inches wide at the mouth were used in collecting food, which was frequently brought from a great distance. When one of the tribe died, men carried the corpse, wrapped in the blankets of the deceased, with other trifling personal effects, to an obscure place in low ground and there buried it at once, piling stones over the grave to protected it from coyotes and other prowl

ing beasts. No women were allowed to follow, and no Apache ever revisited the spot. Female relatives kept up their lamentations for a month, uttering loud wails at sunset. The hut in which a person died was always burned and often the camp was removed. Widows used to cut off their hair and paint their faces black for a year, during which time the mourner lived in the family of the husband's brother, whose wife she became at the expiration of the time for mourning. They had a number of dances, notably the "devil dance," with clowns, masks, headdresses, etc., in which the participants jumped over a fire, and a spirited war dance, with weapons and shooting in time to a song. When anybody fell sick several fires were built in the camp, and while the others lay around on the ground with solemn visages, the young men, their faces covered with paint, seized firebrands and ran around and through the fires and about the lodge of the sick person, whooping continually and flourishing the brands to drive away the evil spirit. They had a custom, when a girl arrived at puberty, of having the other girls tread lightly on her back as she lay face downward, the ceremony being followed by a dance.

The Tartar Chinese speak the dialect of the Apaches. The Apaches bear a striking resemblance to the Tartar. About the year 1885, W. B. Horton, who had served as County Superintendent of Schools, at Tucson, was appointed Post Trader at Camp Apache, and went to San Francisco to purchase his stock, where he hired a Chinese cook. His kitchen adjoined his sleeping apartment, and one evening while in his

room he heard in the kitchen some Indians talking. Wondering what they were doing there at that hour of the night, he opened the door and found his cook conversing with an Apache. He asked his cook where he had acquired the Indian language. The cook said: "He speak all same me. I Tartar Chinese; he speak same me, little different, not much." At Williams, in Navajo County, is another Tartar Chinaman, Gee Jim, who converses freely with the Apaches in his native language. From these facts it would seem that the Apache is of Tartar origin.

From the fact that the Apache language was practically the same as that of the Tartar Chinese, color is given to the theory advanced by Bancroft in his "Native Races," Volume 5, p. 33, et seq., that Western America was "originally peopled by the Chinese, or, at least, that the greater part of the new world civilization may be attributed to these people.

In this connection it may be stated that the swastika, which is an oriental emblem, is found on the painted rocks in the range of mountains south of Phoenix, according to Herbert R. Patrick, and this sign is used by most of the Arizona Indians in their basketry.

COYOTEROS (Spanish: "wolfmen"; so called in consequence, it is said, of their subsisting partly on coyotes or prairie wolves [Gregg, Com. Prairies, 1, 290, 1844]; but it seems more probable that the name was applied on account of their roving habit, living on the natural products of the desert rather than by agriculture or hunting). A division of the Apache, geographically

divided into the Pinal Coyoteros and the White Mountain Coyoteros, whose principal home was the western, or southwestern, part of the present White Mountain reservation, eastern Arizona, between San Carlos Creek and the Gila River, although they ranged almost throughout the limits of Arizona and western New Mexico. The name has evidently been indiscriminately applied to various Apache bands, especially to the Pinal Coyoteros, who are but a part of the Coyoteros.

PINAL COYOTEROS. A part of the Coyotero Apache, whose chief rendezvous was the Pinal Mountains and their vicinity, north of the Gila River in Arizona. They ranged, however, about the sources of the Gila, over the Mogollon mesa, and from northern Arizona to the Gila, and even southward. They are now under the San Carlos and Fort Apache agencies, where they are officially classed as Coyoteros.

They are reputed by tradition to have been the first of the Apache to have penetrated below the Little Colorado among the pueblo peoples, with whom they intermarried. They possessed the country from the San Francisco Mountains to the Gila, until they were subdued by General Crook in 1873. Since then they have peaceably tilled their land at San Carlos. White, for several years a surgeon at Fort Apache, says that they have soft, musical voices, uttering each word in a sweet, pleasant tone. He noted also their light hearted, childish ways and timid manner, their pleasant expression of countenance, and the beauty of their women. Married women

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