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existence, of the American Government. For both these powers cannot occupy the same field as victors. The American Abolitionists must trample on the Constitution, and wade through the carnage of a civil war, before they can triumph. If it were a mere conflict of opinion, that were a different thing; but it is a body politic against a body politic,-a faction, under the organization of a State machinery, against the State. All truce, therefore, is necessarily suspended, till the strife shall be brought to a close, by the suppression of one of the hostile parties. Henceforth, nothing can be done for the amelioration of the condition of the slaves, till this warfare is ended. The South has been compelled, in self-defence, to rivet the chains of slavery afresh, and to hold on to their political rights with a stronger hand. And the day can hardly be remote, when they might be obliged to avail themselves of their claim on the General Government for protection and redress. The cause of these disturbances of the public peace must be inquired into, and the character of the agency scrutinized. And when it shall be found, that it is an unconstitutional, illegal organization—as doubtless it is—that it is an organized sedition in the republic-then a collision between it and the Government cannot be long delayed.

We say, an organized sedition—not to characterize the principle, on which the cause of emancipation is

founded--for that is allowed to be sound and goodbut to express the nature and measure of this enterprize, as it stands related to the Constitution and Government of the country, and to the political rights of the parties, of which the American Union is composed, and which are involved in this controversy. These rights, even though they be moral wrongs, we take for granted, cannot be trampled upon, or set aside, so long as they constitute principal parts of the political fabric of the State. They are rights, which, while contested in this manner, and by such an agency, will be insisted upon at the point of the sword, and at the cannon's mouthrights which the General Government is bound to defend.

If the time had come, when one nation might interfere with the domestic concerns of another; and if a crusade of foreign powers could be beat up for the cause of American Abolition, there would at least be a prospect of an immense effusion of human blood. But, though victory should crown the effort, who will say it were an event to be desired, at such expense, and at the hazard of the consequences? But can the American Anti-Slavery Society alone be expected to bear down the American Government, by its attacks on the political rights of the slave-holding States? This Society has exasperated the South; it is fast wearing out the patience of the General Government; is marshalling the moral and

physical energies of the nation against itself; and now, that it has spread the banners of a political party, under a consolidated, permanent and irresponsible organization, of an anomalous character, at war with the genius of the American Constitution, it must of course abide the consequences.*

However holy and justifiable the cause of emancipation may be, this Society has unquestionably pushed itself into a false position. If the reader will revert to our chapter of definitions, he will probably find, under the heads of radicalism and fanaticism, some thoughts not altogether inapplicable here. Fanaticism is there represented as characterising efforts at reformation under the guidance of some single idea or principle, which may be right or wrong. Suppose it is right, as in the case of abolition. There are yet many other ideas or principles, appertaining to the constitution and government of society, claiming consideration and influence. the fanatic considers only one, and attempts to force its way at the expense of all others.

But

assumes that it is

But that is the sole which he acts, in his

In the case of slavery, he wrong; and so far he is right. idea, the solitary principle, on way to remedy the evil. He refuses to consider how it is interwoven with society, and how society may be endangered by the violence he proposes to apply. He becomes at the same time a radical and a fanatic,

* See Note L.

K

posts himself on the car of reform, and with whip in hand and reins thrown loose, drives ruin itself out of countenance.*

* On account of the ground taken by the author on the subject of slavery, it may be proper for him to state, that he is a Northern man ; that he has never had any interest or connexion with slavery whatever; and that he is opposed to the system in all its forms, as a Christian and as a man.

CHAPTER VIII.

AMERICAN ABOLITIONISM A CRUSADE.

A RELIGIOUS and moral reformer, who proposes to use the weapons and armour of Christianity alone, has the world for his field, and may go where he pleases, with few to let or hinder. But when he proposes to change the regulations, and to remodel its civil and political structure, his field is more limited. He will not be allowed to go beyond the particular Commonwealth of which he is a member, and where he is entitled to a voice on the conditions of the Constitutions-if there be any-and of the laws of the community. Within these limits, if he sees anything in the structure and operations of society which he imagines to be wrong, he may use all the influence he is possessed of to correct it. But the moment he steps into another Commonwealth or State, unasked, uncalled, uncommissioned, to correct its faults, he becomes an intruder, an invader-in other words, a crusader.

It will have been seen, by the statements already advanced in these pages, that the several States composing the American Union, are separate and

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